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PUBUCATIONd OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOQATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONOUATION

t. Ptagfmw ot Uk AMo d > ri wi,Hr If— ^ f w a w— llw ^^ r i M iiii. ApM,

*. k«Milu ol Uic NailoMl AfWimdoa aad Fmm Crngfrn^ hj Amdmm Ct-
•««M. April, tvn-

y A l^iMgiM o( PwM, by Aadf«« CafMci*. ttmrtmkm, t^m

A. Th« rvMtlu of Ik* 8 tc wd Hafu* Cpafwcu. by Bbtm tf'ILM«NVMllM 4«
CoMUat aad Hus. David J«yM HUL JaMury, »gD«.

5. TH« Work ol Um Swoad Hafu* Comimwnm, by Jmm* llfftMo s<<mi j»».
uary. iv> A.

6. PoMtbOliiMollMdlKtnalCo^pcratlMiltocwMaNoctbaadSoMliAMriim,
by L. Jiw Ro««. April, i^at.

7. Ancffiai aad Japw^ by G«off|« TrvaboU LadA. Jbm, i^ot.

a. Th« SanctkM of iotoraatioMil Low, by EUbu Root. July, t^at.
9. TIm Uoicad ScaiM aad Praaoo, by BofrMt WmrndM. Aocmi* tv^
to, Tbo AppfOKb ol tb« Two Amo H c m . by JooqiUm NabMO. flipiwilii,
I9at.

n. Tk« Uabod Staioa Md Caaada, by J. S. Wniiaeik Occobar, t^M.

i>. Tb« FoHcy ol tbo Uabod SUMa aad Japaa la Um Pkr Eaai. Noroabcv.

ty Earopoaa SobrlMy la the Pn aaaca of tbe Balkaa CfWa, by Cbailaa Aaada
Baafd. Doc«aibtr, iqot.

14. Tb« Logic of lataraatioaal Ca*opotacioa. by F. W. Hint. Jaaaary, f^o^

15. Aaiarican Igaovaaoa of Orlaaial Laac«u«aa, by J. H. DaForcac F«^

t4L AaMrica aad tbe New Dlpknaacy, by JaaMa Browa Scott. Marcb. i«o»,

t7. Tba Dalttik>a ol MUitamm, by Cbarict ¥.. Jeffmoe. AptU. 1709.

tS. Tb« CaoMa of War, by Elibu Rooc May. 1909.

19. The United Sutaa aad Cblaa, by Wei^chiag Vca. Joaa. 1909.

»>. Openiac Addreaa at the Lake Mohoak Coafaraaoa oa lataraatteaii Arv*-
tratiun, by Ntcbelaa Mttrray Buticr. July, 1909.

at. joofaaKaai aad latcmatioaal Aflaira. by Edward Cary. Aagaac, aga*.

t«. laflucac* of Conaierce la tbe Pronotioa of lataraatioaal Paaoe, by jobs
Ball Oaboraa. Scptctabcr, 1909.

•> The Uaitcd Sutaa aad Spala, by Martia Hubm. Ociabar, 1909.

M. The Aawrkaa Pabiic Scbool aa a Factor la laiaia ailuiial C^ariHarioa. by
Sfyra Kelly. Noveaiber, t909i

85. Codl Rbodaa aad HU Scbolara aa Factor* la latataadeaal roarflhlbia.
byF.;. WyUe. Doc«aibar, 190).

A small edition of a monthly bibliography of articles haviw to
do with interiutional matters is also published aod dbtribolad to
Ubniries. magatines and newspapers.

Up to tbe limit of the editions printed, any one of tbe above will
be «'•"' •^"•^'"aid upon receipt of a request addressed to tbe Secrefsfy
of can Association for International CoociUstioB. Fost

Otii -..uion 84. New York. N. V.

EXBCUTIVB COMMITTKB

Niciiouks MvasAv Birrtaa R u m «bo Wayaoa Onjmm

RKHAao BarmoLor Mcraaji Haaav Oua

LvMAM Aaaorr nbim Low

JAMma Sraraa Roasar A. Paania

COUNCIL OF DIREXmON OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOaATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

LvMAM AMnrr, N«w Vonit.
Cnarlbs Fkakcib An-

EdWIN a. ALtlRHMAN. < svtixs, Va.

rHAttiim H, Axf*, V

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I.OOIV Mo.
Smith, Amkanmu.

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' 'IIIO.

. N«w York.

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Mawi.

MAa»

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VOBK,

Vtv. Mo.

»». ., Pa.

Hav

Tav III.

Pa. - ^lA-. M-Mi Univkhsitv, Cal.

A ■ _ I : - rw York.

Li AI-' ■ ■ I- ■*-■ ■'■'-nic

B«AV.- . M'

W \s M Cal.

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hTK' V 1 ciUK.

A. N i t FFALO. N. Y.

I* A ' 'W, Mo.

Jaw - >s, Mabs.

hr.u , N. Y.

Klu I>. C.

I. 1.. .^. H . Y

IftAAC N. ^ ORK.

F. J. V. > u

William n Vouk.

ALMicr K •.tOMONK, N. Y.

I ^MRH St -

-■ ' V. n. c.

I i.nr, Cal,
.In MoroLis, Ala.

«l M. I N, I>. C.

W. H. 1

Brxjamis . OK, MAsa.

EdWAKO 1 I C k, l-AKIv. rKANOL

WiLUAM I). WhKKLWRICHT, PORTLAND, OsS.

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE

st9 Ri'K OR LA Tour, Paris Francr

PrcMdcnt Foodateur. Hakok I)'F.«Tof«HBLLKS dk Const akt

Member Hague Court, Senator

Honorary Preskiests : Brrthblot and Lbon Hourcboik. Senator*

Secreuriea General: A. Mm;< and Jilbs Rais

7 rc.-»»urcr : AinrsT Kaiin

^c* ]^\/J<rt^^J^xl^A4kX. <UvLcili*a>,A-'

Association for International Conciliation

PJfO PATRiA PER ORB/5 CONCUR i»/ I. U

PROGRAM

OK TMK

Association for InlLrnationiil
Conciliation

BARON dESTOURNELLES de CONSTANT

Presklal Foodalear ^ I J K^

AacficMi Bruich o( ihe Aworinion ior laicrMboMi
542 nMi Avoiye. New Yotk Ctf

'i^l"\

McConncil Printing Co.

New York. U.S. A.

1907

PROGRAMME OF THE ASSOCIATION For^
INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATIOS

True patriotism consists in properly serx c'%

country. It is not enough to be ever rca o-

fend it ; it is necessary as well to steer it out of com-
plications, to spare it needless burdens, and to pro-
mote, through peace, its energies, its resources, its
trade. Our twofold programme has in view to
stimuhic home activity under the safeguard of
good foreign relations^ and we have followed this
path, without any party spirit, during ten years, by
means of a methodical education of public opinion.

In this enterprise, which at first seemed visionary,
we have had efficient support coming from all
classes of people, from all countries, from eminent
representatives of the political and scientifical world,
from the difTerent Parliaments, tbe different Exec-
utives, from the Universities, the Councils, the
Municipalities, the Chambers of Commerce, the La-
bor Associations, the Peace Societies and the Pro-
gressive Clubs, both in Europe and in America,
where, we can safely say, every Chief Executive hai
shown himself in favor of the things wc strive for.

We have already arrived at practical results;
prejudices against aliens are fast vanishing; the
various peoples, confronted with the transforma-
tions caused by progress and laboring under the as-
saults of universal competition, begin to realize that
there is a great deal to lose in antagonisms that

cripple their vitality, and everything to gain from
associating themselves, as individuals do, agreeing
to mutual concessions, in a co-operation that
strengthens their independence and increases their
individual influence. The utilities derived from
this entirely new evolution amount to many millions
of money and imply most important facilities in
trade practice. Merchants, farmers, manufactur-
ers, artists, men of science, laborers, operators, etc.,
whoever works in behalf of such evolution, profit
largely by it; every one is demanding that the
change become permanent and final. Such is the
second part of the problem still wanting a solution.
The most diflficult part of the task is already ac-
complished. The present betterment has not been
determined by any sentimental impulse, it has been
caused by every one's comprehension of his own
interest. It is true that this improved condition has
not been suflficient to prevent deplorable conflicts ; it
has only been able to restrict them. The Franco-
English intelligence has probably spared the world
a general war ; and how could we count for noth-
ing those early arbitration treaties, insistingly de-
manded by us and finally obtained ? But we cannot
stop there. It is indispensable to foresee possible
dangers and reactions ; that is why we have planned
our international organization. Here we give an
outline of it:

I. We shall continue our task of educating public
opinion, counting more than ever on the support of
the heads of superior, secondary and primary estab-
lishments of education, and also on that of quite a

number of admirable voluntary iisociations wbofe
repreientatives are among our first adherenU. We
fhall exchange from one country to another and
among all of them our lecturers, in order to spread
widely all progress, discoveries and innovations
that may benefit every one and all of them.

2. Owing to our relations, we will be in a posi-
tion to rectify, the case arising, any false or mis-
leading report tending to misguide public opinion.
Our members, being well informed and acting to-
gether shall powerfully contribute to the maintain-
ance of peace through the influence they hold on
public opinion, over the press, over the Parliaments,
and over the Governments themselves.

3. We shall promote intercourse among foreign-
ers and with foreigners; we shall bring about
friendly relations among prominent men who are
evidently desirous of becoming acquainted, but who
lack the opportunity and thus lose by being isolated
the greater part of their self-confidence and power.

4. We shall continue to promote foreign trips and
miemational visits, Wc shall aid and facilitate
scientific expeditions.

5. Wc shall encourage the study of foreign Ian-
guages.

6. Wc shall continue to favor, adding new guar-
antees, the exchange of children, of pupils, of pro-
fessors, of workingmen, of artists, etc., also the
employment of reliable young men in foreign
countries.

7 A periodical Bulletin, in expectation of an
International Rctuetv, the editinjj and direction of
which have been prearranged, will be the natural
culminating point of these different new features.
The Review will serve to keep the adherents well
infoniied as to the activities of the Committee.

Finally, at the proper time, we shall enlarge our
present headquarters ; we shall establish, beginning
at Paris, something which is lacking in all capital
cities, a sort of club that shall be The Foreigners'
Home, the wonderful development of which can
only be imagined, and which will serve as a centre
of meetings, lectures, congresses, concerts, exposi-
tions, etc. ; in fact, the rendecz'ous of the initiatives
of the whole world.

In this manner our Committee will constitute, i3y
the simple means of private initiative, the embryo
of the new organization, the need of which is felt
everywhere in the modern world, and without which
the most powerful, as well as the weakest, State or
individual has no assurance for to-morrow.

Should you be in sympathy with the views above
expressed, and should you consider that the results
obtained thus far warrant the promotion of further
developments, we ask you to join us.

President Fondateur. /

Hssociation for International Conciliation

PKO PATXiA P&M ORBiS CONCOKDIAM

Pkksimnt Fonoatius

BAKON D'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
SliMsi* IIaol'I Coubt. Sshatob

in, .Mi.Al, BRANCH OF THE AMERICAN BRANCH
THE ASSOCIATION OF THE ASSOCIATION

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«n K MM I ' • ! \\ I ,!.■ I I IK

Ml"' ■'• Cu*.. ^«.^ ^-.

SicBrrAiiM GmttAL PatttDinT

A MFTIN NICHOLAS MURRAY BITI.ER

*■" President ol Columbia l'iH»rr»4i»

ScrrcUry <• • .i-.ui. ..■ in* ......

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1 - MC« Prt

119 Rub db la Tour. Paris i*ri*4o.«nur> oroup

I StcarrABr

X IIAYNE DAVIS

»**^» T..A.V...

ADVISORY BOARD ROBERT A. FRANKS

V. .._-.., EXECimVEO»'

THE an: \ril

,',«t Nicholas Mcbsav lit

"Ity RlCNASn RAtTMol r>T. \

Lyman

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enc«

AMERICAN EXECUTIVE COMMITTKE

HAYNE DAVIS ^
Telbpiionb 4685 Bryant 5i

* CaBLI ADOBISS : C«»Mi.4UA

\BV

i AvR., Nbw Yubk

Council of Direction for the
American Branch of the
Hssociation for Interna-
tional Conciliation

LrjiAx Abbott, Nbw Yobk.

ClIABLBS FBANCIS ADAMM, BOSTON.

KOWIN A, ALOBBMAN, CHABIX»TTB8VILLB, Va.

Chablbs H. Aicbb, Bobtom. Mass.
Richard Babtboldt, ** *' s't. Louib. Mo.

CLirrON R. BBCCKI :KAN8A8.

WILLUM J. BBTAN, . NBB.

T. B. BUBTON, M. C, CI.KVKt.AMO, OHia
NiCHOLAB MOBBAT BUTLU, NbW YOBK.

Andbbw Cabkbgib, Nbw Yobk.
RowABD Cabt, Nbw Yobk.
JosBPH B. Choatb. Nbw Yobk.
RicRABo H. Dana, Bosroif. Mabb.
Abtrcb H. Dasheb, Macon. Ga.
HOBACB B. Dbuikg, Nkw York.
Charlbb W. Eliot. Camdridob, Mass.
John W. Foster, Washington, D. C.
HiriiAKD Watson (iihur.n. New York.
John Arthur Greene, Nbw York.
Jamek M. (fRKENwoon. Kansas Titt, Mo.
Fran KM X H. IfEAn rnirAoo. Ii,l.

Wii.i — ' " "" tnoH, Pa.

JA>t ! \ao. III.

Moi:

nA\ u University, Cal.

Voi:k.

w York.
\V. I s. Ohio.

RR.^ \ York.

W. \* NCI SCO. Cai..

f;Eoi:. I I 'lAYOR or New York.

Levi iv ^ irk.

Sii.As Ml :: : . ..K.

Simon Newcomb, WA.sHiNOTON, D. C.

Stephen II. Olin. New York.

A. V. V. Raymond, Scheneptady, N. Y.

Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md.

James Fonn Rhodes. Boston. Mass.

Howard .T. Rogers. Albany. N. Y.

Elihu Root. Washington. D. C.

J..G. ScHrRMAN, Ithaca, N. Y.

Isaac N. Seligman. New York.

F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III.

William M. Sloanb. New York.

ALBERT K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.

James Speyer. New York.

Oscar S. Straits. Washington. D. C.

Mns. Mary Wood Swift. San Francisco. Cal.

(ir.onoK W. Tati^b, M. C, Dbmopolis, Ala.

O. H. TITTMAN, WASHINGTOK, D. C.

w. H. TOLMAN, Nbw York.

REN.TAMIN TRUBBLOOD, BOSTON, MASS.

Edward Tock. Pabib, Prancb.

William D. Whbblwbight, Portland. Orb.

ANDBBw D. Whiti, Ithaca, N. Y.

J1$$ociatioii for imerndtiondl €onciiiatioM

/*A'0 VATkiA PhK Ok BIS COW

R i:su i/rs

I'hc National Arbitration and
Peace Congress

ANDREW CARNEGIE

Prwideitf o< llw Co^rcM

Braodi ol the AwociMion (or lalenMboMl
542 Ridi Av«Mt. r4«w Yofk Cky

C c^.

The Peace Congress of IQOJ has
brought four objections clearly
before us:

VlRSr OBiECTlOS .—^vXxfXks cannm i^ub-

iiiit all (|iicstions for arbitration.

Answer.— Some of them have
done M> by treaty. So much for the cla
nations cannot submit all questions. They have
clonr it *

Sicca. \P OBJECrtON —iwiuct is higher
than peace.

Answer.— Th«» first t>rinciple of natural jus-
tice torbids men to be judges when they arc
parties to the issue. All law rests upon this
throughout the civilized world. Were a judge
known to sit upon a case m which he was se-
cretly mlcrested he would l>c dishonored and
expelled from his high oflfice.

If an individual refused to submit his dispute
with a neighbor to disinterested parties (arbiters

*ln i9i>« Nurwa^ and Sweden concluded acvrral tprcUl trctllM

i>r..ri.litii/ (or ^rltitraiion of mli quc»tion« ari«ing under thrm. UM

■ raly empowering the llairue Court to deride all

except »uch a* involve iitdependrncr. intrKnty. or

in r on the point that "vital intcre»ta" are i«-

voI\r •rsjr. the llafue Court t% authorixed by the

trr.if , r.fi.m

n« of the indepMid«K« md im-
< atiea is of minor iwp i »lif Mi4

>incr flirt arr rarel* at

or judges) and insisted upon being his own
judge, he would violate the first principles ot
justice. If he resorted to force in defense of
his right to judge, he would be dishonored as
a breaker of the law. Thus i)eace with justice
is secured through arbitration, either by court
<»r by tribunal, never by one of the parties sitting
as judge of his own cause.

Nations, being only aggregates of iiiiiivi<iuai>.
they will not reach justice in their judgments
until the same rule holds good, viz. : That they,
like individuals, shall not sit as judges in their
own causes. What is unjust for individuals is
unjust for nations. Justice is justice, unchange-
able, and should hold universal sway over all
men and over all nations.

THIRD OBJECTION,— \\ is neither peace
nor justice, but righteousness, that exalteth a
nation.

Answer. — Righteousness is simply doing
what is right. What is just is always right;
what is unjust is always wrong. It being the
first principle of justice that men shail not be
judges in their own causes, to refuse to submit
to iiulec or arbitrate is nniiist, hence not right.

lie eftsencc of rtghtcoutne** i< justice
Ihcrcfore, men who place justice or rightQini^
ne»!i above peace practically proclaim, aft it ap-
pears to me, that they will commit injutticr and
<liscard rightcousncs> \>\ constituting them-
selves sole judges of their own cause in viola-
tion of law. justice, and right.

Civilized man has reached the conclusion that
he meets the claims of justice and of right only
by upholding the present reign of law.
pressing <luty is to extend its benignant rcsgii
to combinations r)f men called nations. What
is right for each individual must be right for
the nation. This union of law and justice, in-
suring "Peace and good-will among men."
through disinterested tribunals, is "righteous-
ness which exaltcth a nation.** The demand
that interested parties shall sit in judgment is
the "self righteousness that degrades a natiou *'

iULKTH OBJECTION.— \\^ cannot per-
mit our country to be dishonored by any
power.

Answer. — Our country cannot be dishon-
ored by any |X)wer or by all the powers com-
bined. No man can be dishonored by other

men. It is impossible. All honor-wounds are
self-inflicted. We ourselves only can dishonor
ourselves, or our country. One sure way of do-
ingf so is to insist upon the unlawful and unjust
demand that we sit as judjjcs in our own cause
instead of offering to abide by the decision of a
disinterested court or tribunal. Having offered
peaceful settlement to our opponent, we have
done our duty. If then attacked, it becomes our
duty to defend our country, ourselves, family,
and friends; but that which makes it so, also
makes it our holy duty not to attack the coun-
try, homes and lives of others.

Since war decides not who is right, but only
who is strong, it is difficult to understand how
a moral being can conscientiously appeal to it
before exhausting all peaceable means.

Council of Direction for the
Hmchcan Branch of the
Heeociation for Intcma-
Uonal Conctlution

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A!<CDUW D. XV

A. M. Y.

J1$$ociation for Tnternational Conciliation

/'At' J'.Uh'/

President Fondateur

BARON D'KSTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT
McMitK Hague Coukt Sknatok

THE INITIAL BRANCH OF
THE ASSOCIATION

IIONOKAKV PRRSIDKNT*

!•, I ()T

M em brr I ^ i «• m y . Senator

LKU.N i.«M KiJEOIS
Mrnthrr Ilamic Court. 5>cnator

ScCKKTABIEf GiNERAI.

A. METIN
Cokminl School of iVin*

crctarjr of t
Fr.

otip «if thr

Executive OrrtcE
119 Rue de la Tour. Paris

rKEASUECK -

ALBERT KAHN
lot Rue de Richelieu. Pant

ADVISORY BOARD

Menier. Deputy
\ I'oiERiER. Senator
Admiral Reveillere
i*Ror. Charles Richet
Eugene Carriere Artist
FamcB D'Hewin. Deputy
Pastoe Charles Wagner
General Sebert. The Institute
Adolphe Carnot. The Institute
Paul Appel. Faculty of Sciences
Paul Herviki . I'rnu li Ac.i-lcmv
Jules Clar^
Baron de C^' .idor

Sully-Pbudu'^ ^. . Prize

And Othebs

THE AMERICAN BRANCH
OF THE ASSOCIATION

lloNORAEY PbESIDENIS

ANDREW D.WHITE
Member First Hague Conference

ANDREW CARNEGIE
Commander of Legion of Honor

NICHOLAS
President '

V BUTLER
I UniverMty

VicePbbsident

RICHARD BARTHOLDT

President of the American Inter-

Parliamentary Group

Sf.cbetaby
HAYNE DAVIS

Treasurer
ROBERT A. FRANKS

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF

THE AMERICAN BRAN( H
Nicholas Murray Butler. Chairman
Richard Bartholdt. Vice-Chairman
Lyman Abbott, Editor
James Spever. Banker
Richard Watson Gilder. Author
Setm Low. First Hague Conference
Stephen Henry Olin. Attorney-at-Lav
Andrew D. White. First Hajrnc Confci
ence

A\fFRICAN EXECUTIVE COMMITTEK

HAYNE DAVIS. Secretarv

Telephone 4685 Bryant 542 Fifth Ave., New York

Cable Address: Concilia

dissociation for Intcrnaiional Conciliaiion

rK0 f A IK/A Phk QJWIS CONCOKDIAM

A I.EAGUE OF PFACE
Addreu Delivered at the Univeituy oi St. Andrew*

ANDREW CARNEGIE

Rector ol the G>ll«f«

• 3

Aaahcaa BrMck of die Aandaboa for

542 Rhh AfVM. Now YoA Cky

A LKAGUE OF PEACE

My firitt words muKt be words of thanks, very
grateful thanks, to those who have so kindly re-
electetl me their Rector without a conte«it. The
h« ' ^ M. There is

Upon which 1 will venture lu »

also the Tniversiiy, the continu

of my able and zealous assessor. Dr. Ross, of iJun-

fermiine. which I learn are hipfhly valued.

My young constituents, you are busily preparing
to pUy your parts in the drama of life, resolved. I
trust, to oppose and attack what is evil, to defend
and ^' !i what is )(ood. and. if possible, to

leave it of tlie world a little belter than you

found it. Vou are already ix^nderinjj over the career
you will pursue, what problems you will study, upon
what, and how, your powers can he most profitably
exerted, and apart from the choice of a career. I
trust you ask yourselves what arc the evils of this
life, in which all our duties lie, which you should
most strenuously endeavor to cra<licati* or at least to
lessen — what c fer-

cnce to these ' . for

the Student of St. Andrews is expected to devote
both time and labor to his duties as a citizen, what-
ever his professional career. You will find the world
much better than your forefathers did. There is
profound satisfaction in this, that all grows better;
but there is still one evil in our day so far exceeding
any other in extent and cflfect that I venture to bring
it to your notice.

Polygamy and slavery have been abolished by civ-
ilized nations. Duelling no longer exists where
English is spoken. The right of private war and of
privateering have passed away. Many other bene-

ficcnt abolitions have been made in various fields,
hut there still remains the foulest blot that has ever
disf::raced the earth, the killing of civilized men by
men like wild beasts as a permissible mode of
settling international disputes, altho in Rousseau's
words, **\Var is the foulest fiend ever vomited forth
from the mouth of Hell." As such, it has received
from the earliest times, in each successive age till
now. the fiercest denunciations of the holiest, wisest
and best of men.

Homer, about eight hundred and fifty years be-
fore Christ, tells us it is by no means fit for a man
stained with blood and gore to pray to the gods, and
that ''Religious, social and domestic ties alike he
violates, who willingly would court the honors of
internal strife." (Iliad. IX., <5j?.)

He makes Zeus, tlie cloud-gatherer, look sternly
at Ares, the God of War, saying: "Xay, thou rene-
gade, sit not by me and whine. Most hateful art
thou to me of all the Gods that dwell in Olympus ;
thou ever lovest strife and wars and battles."
{Iliad, l\, IhteSgr.)

Euripides, 480-406 n. c. cries, "Hapless mortals,
why do ye get your spears and deal out death to
fellow-men ? Stay ! from such work forbear." . . .
"'( )h fools all ye who try to win the meed of valor
through war, seeking thus to still this mortal coil,
for if bloody contests are to decide, strife will never
cease !"

Thucydides, who wrote his great work some time
between 423 R. c. and 403 11. c, asserts that "Wars
.Nl)ring from unseen and generally insignificant causes,
the first outbreak being often but an explosion of
anger." And he gives us the needed lesson for our
day which should be accepted as an axiom : "It is
wicked to proceed against him as a wrongdoer who
is ready to refer the question to arbitration." Aris-
tides praised Pericles, because, to avoid war, "he is
willing to accept arbitration."

At al)oiit 440-^ B. r.. »ay« : "Thit tlMfi

is the ... ....iMin. Athenian, which I draw b c t w n

the two: peace means security for the (^eofile, wmt
inevitable downfall."

Isiicraies. 4.^6-338 n. c, teaches that "Peace should

I niankiml. It should Ik- .mr c^rr

'H'ricv, hut to maintain it \\\\\ thi^

ticvcr l'< e are persuaded that (|»ni-i \s

r than « ice, Justice than injustice, die

care of our own than fprasping at what belon^^s to

others." {Oration on Peace.)

The sacred books of the Fast make peace their
chief concern. "Thus does he ( lUiddha ) live as a
binder toirethcr nf tho^c who are divided, an encrnir-

that make lor peace." (Huddhist Suttas. ^th Cen-
tury B.C.) "Now, wherein is his conduct jj^xmI?
lin. that putting away the murder of that which
Iiw>. he abstains from destroyinjj life. Tlie cudjjel
and the sword he lays aside, and, full of modesty
and pity, he is com|)assionate and kind to all crea-
tures that have life. (Buddhist Suttas.)

"Tnily is the kinjj our sovereign I.ord! He has
regulated the position of the princes ; he has called
in shields and spears ; he has returned to their cases
bows and arr^w^ " <'TA- <^/"^ King, Dccad- f
Ode 10.)

Many hundrcu \ears iK-nuf Christ, the Zeini.i-
vesta pronounces "Opposition to peace is a sin."

The Buddhist commandment, six hundred years
before our era. is, "Love all mankind c«|ually.**

"To those of a noble <1 1 the whole world

is but one family," says th \.

Coming to the Romans, Cicero (106-43 ti.c.)
says : **\Var should only be undertaken by a hi'^^K-
civilized State to preserve either its religion or it
i-iciice." "There arc two ways of ending* di*p
discussion and force; the latter manner b si

that of the bnitc beasts; the former is proper to
beings pifted with reason." He also reminds the
Senate, "For in this assembly, before the matter was
decided. I said many things in favour of peace, and
even while war was going on I retained tiie same
opinions, even at the risk of my own life." Xo bet-
ter proof of the true patriot and leader can be given
than this — a lesson much needed in our day.

Sallust (86-34 n. c.) recounts, "But after the Sen-
ate learned of the war between them, three young
men were chosen to go out to Africa to both Kings,
and in the words of the Senate, and of the people,
announce to them that it was their will and advice
that they lay down their arms and 'settle their dis-
putes by arbitration rather than by the sword ; since
to act thus would be to the honor both of the
Romans and themselves." (Juij;urtha XXI., 4.)

Virgil (70-19 B. c.) laments that "The love of
arms and the mad wickedness of war are raging."
"As for me, just come from war and reeking with
fresh slaughter, it would be criminal for me to touch
the gods till I shall have washed the pollution in
the running stream."

From Seneca (4 n. C.-65 a. d. ) we have this out-
burst, "We punish murders and massacres among
private persons. What do we respecting wars, and
the glorious crime of murdering whole nations?"
"The love of conquest is a murderess. Conquerors
are scourges not less harmful to humanity than
floods and earthqakes."

Tacitus shrewdly observes, "To be sure, every
wicked man has the greatest power in stirring up
tumult and discord ; peace and quiet need the quali-
ties of good men." {Historue, IV., /.). This is
why the demagog comes to the surface, to inflame
the passions of the multitude, that he may ride to
power upon them. Beware of the man who leads
YOU into war.

Josephus, bom only thirty-eight years after Christ,

writes 1 ) a

tcinplc in)>» ; ..i*

|K>llutctl with hltxKi anti warn.' "

Plutarch, t>om 46 a. i>.. lioUU that "There i» no
war among men not born of wickcilnets; some are
aroused by de.sire of pleasures, others by •— - -'--^»
eagerness for influence an<l |)ower/'

Such are a few examples from the tesiiniMti) m|
the ancient H

1 now m1

expresM wi-

not but be of s|>eciai im|M)nance to such of you as
are theolopcal students.

Justin Martyr, who died about 165 a. D., pro-
claims. **That the prophecy is fulfilled we have good
reason to believe, for we (Christians), who in the
past killed one another, do not now fight our ene-
mies."

St. Irenaeus, about 140-202 a. d., boasts that **The
Christians have change<l their swonls ancl their
lances into instnmients of peace, and they know* not
how to fight."

Qement of Alexandria, whose works were com-
posed in the end of the second century and bc-j^'in-
ning of the thinl. writer: "The followers of Christ
U.SC • Mts of war."

IV j^o a. I)., asks, "How shall a

Christian go to war, iiow shall he carry arms in time
of peace, when the Lord has forbidden the sword to
us ? . . Jesus Christ in disarming St. I'eter disarmed
all soldiers. (Dc Idololatr, 19.) "The miliuir
oath and the baptismal vow are inconsistent with
each other, the one being the sign of Oirist, the
other of the Devil." . "Shall it be hcKl lawful to
make an occupation of the swonl. when the Lord
proclaims tliat lu- who n^cs tlu* swortl >hall jierish
by the sword ?"

Origcn, 185-254 ^. .... -.»»-. 1 he an^;cl> vvimtL*r
that peace is conic tlirougli Jesus to cartii, for it is a

place ridden with wars." "This is called peace
where none is at variance, notliinp^ is out of harnitmy
where tliere is nolhinjj hostile, nothing harliarian."
**For no longer do we (Christians) take arms aj^ainst
any race, or learn to wajjc war, inasmucli as we liave
been made sons of peace through Jesus, whom wc
follow as our leader." (Patroloi^ia Grceca, XIV., pp.
46, 988, 1^31.)

St. Cyprian, about 200-257 a. d., boasts that
''Christians do not in turn assail their assailants,
since it is not lawful for the innocent even to kill the
guilty: but they readily deliver up their lives and
blood." {Epistle 56, to Cornelius, section 2.)

Arnobius, who wrote alx)ut 295 a. d., says : "Cer-
tainly, if all who look upon themselves as men would
listen awhile unto Christ's wholesome and peaceable
decrees, the whole world long ago, turning the use
of iron to milder works, should have lived in most
quiet tranquility, and have met together in a firm
and indissoluble league of most safe concord."
{Adversus Gentes, Lib. /.. page 6.)

Lactantius, who wrote in the beginning of the
Fourth Century, insists that "It can never be lawful
for a righteous man to go to war, for his warfare is
unrighteous itself." "It is not murder that God
rebukes ; the civil laws punish that. God's prohi-
bition is intended for those acts which men consid-
ered lawful. Therefore it is not permitted for a
Christian to bear arms ; justice is his armor. The
divine command admits no exceptions ; man is
sacred and it is always a crime to take his life." {Div.
Inst., VI., 20.) Thus does he declaim against men-
slayers. "This, then, is >our road to immortality.
To destroy cities, devastate territories, exterminate
or enslave free peoples ! The more you have ruined,
robbed and murdered men the more you think your-
selves noble and illustrious." (Div. Inst., I., 48.)

Athanasius, 296-373 a- »^-. states that when people
"hear the teaching of Christ, straightway instead of

fi^'i rn to hustufi i n

in J. with wcai* in

pnucr." I um of the H ord, sat.

St. Circfj- s^a. i^tj-io; A. !>., pr. at,

"He who pron f you abstain from

the ills of war, .^^ ;..„^ , .; two (^ifts— one the
remission from a train of evils attendant on the'
strife, the other the strife itself." ("Pairologia
Gnrca. XLIl\, p, uSj.)

S MO A. n., declares that, "Not

to ; irn Christ." (Stij^n^s Pa-

trolofita, Laittta AAA///., p. t86.) He holds that
"defensive wars are the only just and lawful ones;
it is in these alone that the soldier may be allowed to
kill, when he cannot otherwise protcr* ^--^ --ity and
his brethren." {Letter, 47,)

Isidore of Pelusium, 370-450 a. d.. i> iiu icss out-
spoken: •*! say, althoujjh the slaujjhtcr of enemies
in war may seem Icjjitimatc, althou^rh the cohiniiis to
the victors arc erected, telling of their illustrious
crimes, yet if account Im; taken of the undeniable and
supreme brotherhood of man, not even these are free
from evil." (Patrologia Graca, LXXVII!,, p.
1287,)

We have also the undisputed historical record of
Maximilian, the Centurion, who, having embraced
Oirislianity. rcsignc<l his ix)sition and refuse*! to
fight. For this he was put to death.

Celsus, the great op|)onent of Christianity, who
wrote alxiut 176 a.d., reproaches the Christians for
refusing to bear arms, and states that in one part of
the Roman Army, including one-third of the whole,
"Not a Christian could be found."

Nfartin replied to Julian, the aposUte, "I am a
Christian, and I cannot fight."

\i we turn to the Popes, who were then supreme —

St. Gregory the Great, 540-604 a. n.. writes the
King of the Lombards, "By choosing peace you have
shown yourself a lover of God, who is its author/*

Pope Innocent III., to the Kinp: of France, in
protest against the wars between Philip Aug^ustus
and Richard of England, writes, "At the moq;ient
when Jesus Girist is about to complete the mystery
of re<lemption, he gives peace as a heritage to his
disciples ; he wills that they observe it among them-
selves and make it observed by others. What he
says at his death, he confirms after his resurrection.
'Peace be with you.' These are the first words
which he addressed to his Aix>stlcs. Peace is the
expression of that love which is the fulfilling of the
law. What is more contrary to love than the quarrels
of men ? Born of hate, they destroy every l)ond of
affection ; and shall he who loves not his neighbor
love God ?"

Erasmus declares, "If there is in the affairs of
mortal men any one thing which it is proper to
explode, and incumbent u\x)n every man i)y every
lawful means to avoid, to deprecate, to oppose, that
one thing is doubtless war."

Luther tleclares, "Cannons and firearms are cruel
and damnable machines. I believe them to have
been the direct suggestion of the Devil. If Adam
had seen in vision the horrible instruments his chil-
dren were to invent, he would have died of grief."

Nothing can be clearer than that the leaders of
Christianity immediately succeeding Christ, from
whom authentic expressions of doctrines have come
down to us, were well assured that their Master had
forbidden to the Christian the killing of men in war
or enlisting in the legions. One of the chief differ-
ences which separated Roman non-Christians and
Christians was the refusal of the latter to enli.st in
the legions and be thus bound to kill their fellows
in war as directed. We may well ponder over the
change, and wonder that Christian priests accom-
pany the armies of our day, and even dare to ap-
proach the Unknown, beseeching his protection and
favor for soldiers in their heinous work. When the

wairiui: hnst-i arc Thrisiian nniinn*. wornhip^nt; the
one (i'mI vvhjrh. al.»s i«i n«»t w!.|..tM. as in the but
KiKa"i>^ I .uro|)c, we haii

ihc j»|)cv ur ill the luune

of tho Prince oi > f*>r U%or.

Similar prayer^ v.... .... ... ;.., Jic», where

in soinc instances battle- tlaj^s, ihe cmhlcniji of cmr-
nage, were displayed. Future age« arc to pronounce
all this blasphemous. There are th(i«e of trwiay
who deplore it * * '" re

Christ, direct f r- .tn

ap|)ealin^ to his ^vds without first cleansing himself
of the accruing |>ollution.

It is a truism that the doctrines of all founders of
reltgrions have underjjonc mmlifications in practice,
but it is stranjje indee<l that the d(Ktrine of Christ
rej; ' \ar and warriors, as held 1 !i-

atc :s, should have been so ^ li-

cardetl and reversed in the later centuries, and is so
still.

lientham's words cannot be overlooked. ** Nothing
can be worse than the general feeling on the subject
of war. The Church, the State, the ruling few, the
-'Ubjcct man, all seem in this case to have combinetl
to patronize vice and crime in their widest •sphere of
evil. Dress a man in partir ill him

by a particular name, and he : ity, on

divers occasions, to commit e\xry s[)ccies oi offence
— to pillage, to murder, to destroy human felicity:
and for so doing he shall be rewarded. The period
will surely arrive when better instructed generations
will require all the evidence of history to credit that,
in times V ' ' • . • . ^.^^ ^^

ings sh' proval

in the very \ n oi ilic misery ihc) caused."

Bacon's u me to mind: "I am of opinion

that, except you bray Christianity in a nwrtar and
mould it int«> mw iia>t«- tluTc is no possilMlIt\ of a
holy war."

Apparently in no field of \t% work in our times
does the C'liristLin Church thniout the whole world,
with outstanding: individual exceptions of course, so
conspicuously fail as in its attitude to war — judpjed
by the standard maintained by the early Christian
Fathers nearest in time to Christ. Its silence when
outspoken speech mijj^ht avert war, its silence durinp:
war's sway, its failure even durinp^ calm days of
peace to proclaim the true Christian doctrine rcj^^ard-
ing the killing of men made in God's image, and the
prostitution of its holy offices to unholy warlike
ends, gives point to the recent arraignment of Prime
Minister Balfour, who declared that the Church to-
day busies itself with questions which do not weigh
even as dust in the balance compared with the vital
problems with which it is called upon to deal.

Volumes could be filled with the denunciations of
war by the great moderns. Only a few can be given.

Lord Clarendon, 1608-1674, says, "We cannot
make a more lively representation and emblem to
ourselves of hell than by the view of a kingdom in
war."

Hume says, "The rage and violence of public war,
what is it but a suspension of justice among the
warring parties ?"

Gibbon writes, *'A single robber or a few associ-
ates are branded with their genuine name ; but the
exploits of a numerous band assume the character
of lawful and honorable war."

"In every battlefield we see an inglorious arena of
human degradation," says Conway.

A strong voice from a St. Andrews Principal is
heard. Sir David Brewfter, 1 781 -1868, says,
"Nothing in the history of the species appears more
inexplicable than that war, the child of barbarism,
should exist in an age enlightened and civilized.
But it is more inexplicable still that war should
exist where Christianity has for nearly 2,000 years
been shedding its gentle light, and should be de-

friidcfl by arfriimfntii drawn from the 5>cn|vttirft
themselves."

( )iic of the (greatest American Secretaries of Slate.
Colonel John Hay. who has just passed away, de-
nounced war "as the most futile and ferociout of
human fi>llies.'*

Much ha> man accomplished in his upward march
from savaji^erv. Much that was evil and dis;;raceful
has been banished from life, but the in<leliliK' mark
of war still remains to stain the earth and di-
our claim to civilization. After all our pro^^.v .
human slau^^hter is still with us. but I ask your at-
tention for a few minutes to many bright rays,
piercinj: the dark cloud, which encourage us. Con-
sider tor a moment what war was in t. It
knew no laws, had no restrictions. Poi assas-
sination of op|K)sing rulers and generals, arranged
by private bargain and deceptive agreements, were
legitimate wea|)ons. Prisoners were massacred or
enslaved. No quarter was given. Enemies were
tortured and mutilate«l. Women, children and non-
coni; not s|>ared. Wells were |)ois«)ned.
Pri\ was not respected. Pillage was the
rule, i'rivaiccring and private war were allowed.
Neutral rights at sea were almost unknown.

Pcnnil me briefly to trace the history of the re-
forms in war which have been achieved, from which
we draw encouragement to labor for its abolition,
strong in the faith that the clays of man-slaying are
numlKTed.

The first acti« " t war

is found in the n: K*il of

the Creeks, some three luuuii ^-t.

Hellenes were "to quarrel as : - :ne

day to be reconciled." They were to "use friendly
correction, and not to devastate Hellas or bum
houses, or think that the whole |X)pulation of a city,
men, women and children, were et|ually their ene-
mies and therefore to be tlestroyed."

We owe chiefly to Grotius the modern movement
to subject hitherto lawless war on land and sea to
the humane restraints of law. His first book, "Mare
Libenim," appeared in 1609. It soon attracted
such attention that Britain had to employ her jjreat-
est lejjal authority, Lord Scldcn, to make rci)ly. Up
to this time Spain, Portuj^al and Britain had main-
tained that the surroundinjr seas were closed to all
countries except those upon tlieir shores, a doctrine
not formally abandoned by Britain until 1803.

Grotius's second and ef)Och-making work, "The
Rights of War and Peace," appeared in 1625, and
immediately arrested the attention of Gustavus
Adolphus, the greatest warrior of his time. A copy
was found in his tent when he died on the field of
Lutzen. He stood constantly for mercy, even in
those barbarous days. Three years after its appear-
ace Cardinal Richelieu, to the amazement of Eu-
rope, spared the Hup^uenot garrison and protected
the city of Rochclle when he was expcted to follow
the usual practice of massacring the defenders and
giving the town and inhabitants over to massacre
and pillage. It was then holy work to slay heretics,
sparing not one. He was denounced for this merci-
ful act by his own party and hailed as "Cardinal of
Satan" and 'Tope of the Atheists." The Treaty of
Westphalia in 1648, three years after the death of
Grotius, closed the Thirty Years War in Germany,
the Eighty Years War in the Netherlands, and a
long era of savagery in many parts of the globe. It
shows clearly the influence of Grotius's advanced
ideas, being founded upon his doctrine of the essen-
tial independence and equality of all Sclvcreign States,
and the laws of justice and mercy. In the progress
of man from war lawless and savage to war
restricted and obedient to International Law, no
name is entitled to rank with his. He is the father
of modern International I^w, so far as it deals with
the rights of Peace and War. I Ic has had several

Clfi "1^. « s|« » Lilly I'uffciul r ' " '.cr-

sh -I 1 h« » f'Hir arc call lli-

inorc "'Il.< ''-^ "I Int'-rnatioii.ii •>."

They arc i l<scl\ Ik a >ccon(l ^ ihc

KriiiNli jiKl^^*. Siowcll, and the American Judges,
Marshall. Stnry and Field.

International Law is unique in one ittpect It has
no matrrial fnrrc U»liind it. If m a proof of the
supreme force of gentleness — the irresistilile pres-
sure and final triimiph Merciful.
To the few who have « *usly to
its (growth in the |>ast. an 1 i ling therein
to-day, civilization owes an unjawi icbt. Private
individuals have created it, and yet the nations liavc
been glad to accept. British Judges have repeatedly
declared that "International l^w is in full force in
Britain." It is so in America and other countries.
We have in thi<; self-created, self-developing and
self-f< • one of the two most powerful
and hi rumcnts for the peace and prog-
ress of the world.

The most important recent reforms effected in t*ic
Uws of war are those of the Treaty of Paris ( 1856),
the Treaty of Washington ( 1871 ), which settled the
Alabama Claims, and the Brussels Declaration of

1874.

The Treaty, of Paris marks an era as having en-
shrined certain principles. First, it abt^l va-
tcering. Henceforth war on the sea i^ . i to
national warships, organized and manned by officers
and men in the service of the State. Commerce is no
longer subject to attack by private adventurers seek-
ing spoil. Second, it ruled that a blockade to be
recognized must be effective. Tliird, it citahli'ihrd
the doctrine that an cnomy's goods in a
are free, except contraband. Thcj»e wei^
forward.

America declined to accept the 6rst (in which,
however, she has oow concurred) unless private

property was totally exempt on sea as on land, for
which siic has lonjj contended, and which the Powers,
except Britain, have generally favored. So strongly
has the current set recently in its favor that hopes
are entertained that the forthcoming Conference at .
The Hague may reach this desirable result. It is
the final imixjrtant advance in this direction that
remains to be made, and means that peaceful com-
merce has been rescued from the demon War.
Should it be made, the trenchers of St. Andrews stu-
dents may well whirl in the air with cheers.

The Treaty of Washington is probably to rank in
history as Mr. Gladstone's greatest service, because
it settled by arbitration the Alabama Claims, a (|ues-
tion fraught with danger, and which, if left open,
would probably have driven apart and kept hostile to
each other for a long period the two branches of the
English-speaking race. A statesman less jx)werful
with the great masses of his countrymen could not
have carried the healing measure, for much had to
be conceded by Britain, for which it deserves infinite
credit. Three propositions were insisted upon by
America as a basis for arbitration, and altho all were
reasonable and should have been ])art of Interna-
tional J-^w, still they were not. Their fairness being
recognized, Mr. Gladstone boldly and magnani-
mously agreed that the arbiters shouJd be guided by
them. These defined very clearly the duties of
neutrals respecting the fitting out of ships of war in
their ports, or the use of their ports as a naval base.
This they must now use "due diligence" to prevent.

Morley says, in his "Life of Gladstone" : "The
Treaty of Washington and the Geneva arbitration
stand out as the most noble victory in the 19th cen-
tury of the noble art of preventive di|^lomacy, and
the most signal exhibition in their history of self-
command in two or three chief democratic l^owers of
the Western World."

The Brussels Convention met in 1874.

F.vcn as late as the earlier half of last centtiry the

gty'infi up of town;! ami their inhahitn • fwry

of the trix)|>$ which stormed them u by

th« >f war. Defemlinj^ hi tn,

W ' says: "I believe :i en

in that the <lefen<lers of a « jeil

h.i. .^hi tt) ijuarier. After n ^ of

San Sebastian, as to plunder he says: **it has talleti
to my lot to take many towns by storm, and I am
concerned to add that I never saw nor heard of one
so taken by any troops that it was not plundered."

Shakcs|x?arc*s description of the stormetl city can
never 1. ttcn:

"I '( mrrcy *hall be all shut up,

rouKh and hard
1 shall range

««llll l-'lI-llllUl M !<!<.' 4lS hell.

This inhuman practice was formally abolishe<l hy
the Brussels Declaration — that **a town taken by
storm shall not be given up to the victorious troops
to plunder." To-day to put a garrison to the sword
would Ih? a breach of the law of quarter, as well as a
violation of the Brussels Declaration. We may rest
assured tlie civilize<I vv,.r!.i lias seen the la.st .♦ t^»:»t
atrocity.

We look back from uk pinnacle of our hij^ii civil-
ization with surprise and horror to find that even in
\\\" *s time, scarcely one hundred years ajjo.

su^ V ry was the rule, but so shall our descend-

ant's alter a like interval look back from a still higher
pinnacle u|)on our slaying of man in war as equally
atrocious, equally unnecessary, and equally indefen-
sible.

Let me summarize what has been gaineil so far in
mitigating the atrocities of war in our march onward
to the reign of peace. Non-ct>nil»atani?i are now
s})arcd, women and childrei' -a-

cretl, ciuarter is given, and | sed

for. Towns are not given over to piliagc» pnvate
pro|HTtv nil I.-nuI is exempt, or if taken. IS paid or

receipted for. Poisoned wells, assassination of
rulers and commanders by private bargain and de-
ceptive ajjrecmcnts, are infamies of tbe past. On
tbe sea, privateerinjj bas been abolisbed, neutral
rijjbts jjreatly extended and property protected, and
the right of search narrowly restricted. So nnich is
to be credited to the pacific jKJwer of International
Law. There is great cause for congratulation.
If man has not been striking at the heart of the
monster VV^ar, he has at least been busily engaged
drawing .some of its i)oisonous fangs.

Thus even thruout the savage reign of man-
slaying we see the blessed law of evolution unceas-
ingly at work performing its divine mission, making
that which is better than what has been and ever
leading us on toward perfection.

We have only touched the fringe of the crime so
far, however, the essence of wliicli is the slaughter
of human beings, the failure to hold human life
sacred, as the early Christians did.

One deplorable exception exists to the march of
improvement. A new stain has recently crept into
the rules of war as foul as any that war has been
forced by public sentiment to discard. It is the
growth of recent years. Gentilis, Grotius, and all
the great publicists before liynkershcck dominated
by the spirit of the Roman I^vv, by chivalry and long
established practice, insist upon the necessity of a
formal declaration of war, *'that he be not taken
unawares under friendly guise." Not until the be-
ginning of the last century did the opposite view
begin to find favor. To-day it is held that a formal
declaration is not indispensable and that war may
begin without it. Here is the only step backward to
be met with in the steady progress of reforming the
rules of war. It is no longer held to be contrary to
these for a Power to surprise and destroy while yet
in friendly conference with its adversary endeavor-
ing to effect a peaceful settlement. It belongs to the

infernal ami«>r\ - " ' ' t.. l-... -r i-i-ii

opf)o«ing general at. Ik- . |»«mv..!u«I

. agrceii! .Ic to be brukcn, and all the

he wcaj- h, for verv shame, mm have

I' «m| to abaiM m a- t infam«nis even for the

t nan-slaying It pr- H-laims that any partv l>>

l»ute can first in his right hand carry k*
,'v...i. sitting in friendly conference. .■-» -
engaged in finding a peaceful solution of di;
while with the left he grasps, concealed, t
sin's dagger. The i>arallel between duel
runs very close through history. The challcnj;cr :»
a duel gave the other party notice. In 1 187 the
German Diet at Nuremberg enacted, "We tlecrcc* anl
enact by this edict that he who intends to damage
another or to injure him shall give him notice* three
days before." It is to be hoped that the coming con-
ference will stamp this treachery as contrary to the
rules of war, and thus return to the ancient and
more chivalrous idea of attack only after notice.

We come now to the r ition of the other

commanding force in the , ;i;n against war —
Peaceful Arbitration.

The originator of the world-wide arbitration idea
was Emeric Cruce, bom in Paris about 1590. Of his
small book of 226 pages upon the subject only one
copy exists. Gerloius had propounded the idea in
the I2th century, but it failed to attract
Batch .says, **Cruce presented what was pp-
first real proposal of sub.stituting internatii>nal arbi-
tration for war as the court of last resort of nations '*
It has a quaint preface. "This book wouM ^'1
make the tour of the inhabited world .so as u, .^
seen by all the kings, and it would not fear any dis-
• truth for its escort and the nv ' n
ii must scr\'e as letters of recc
lion aiul credit."

Henry IV., in 1603, produced his scheme for
consoliiioiing Europe in order to abolish war. but at

its fundamental idea was armed force and involved
the overthrow of the Ilapshurprs, it cannot be consid-
ered as in line with the system of peaceful arbitra-
tion.

St. Pierre, the Due de Lorraine, William I\'nn,
the Quaker founder of Pennsylvania. Henthani,
Kant, Mill and others have lal)orcd to substitute the
rci^n of law for war by producing: schemes much
alike in character, so that we have many proofs of
the irrepressible longinjr of man for release from
the scourge.

I beg now to direct your attention to the most
fruitful of all conferences that have ever taken place.
C)thcr conferences have been held, but always at the
end of war, and their first duty was to restore peace
between the belligerents. The Hague Conference
was the first ever called to discuss the means of
establishing peace without reference to any particu-
lar war. Twenty-six nations were represented,
including all the leading Powers.

The conference was called by the present Em-
peror of Russia, August 24th, 1898, and is destined
to be forever memorable from having realized
Cruce's ideal, and giving to the world its first per-
manent court for the settlemnt of international dis-
putes. The last century is in future ages to remain
famous as having given birth to this High Court of
Humanity. The conference opened upon the birth-
day of the Emperor, May i8th, 1899. The day may
yet become one of the world's holidays in the com-
ing day of Peace, as that upon which humanity took
one of its longest and highest steps in its history,
onward and upward. As Ambassador White says,
"The conference marks the first stage in the abolition
of the scourge of war." Such an achievement was
scarcely expected, even by the most sanguine. Its ac-
complishment surprised most of the members of the
conference themselves, but .so deeply and generally
had they been appalled by the ravages of war and its

enormotis cott, by it9 inevitable progeny of future
wars, am! above all !>> its failure to enture Um ml'
(k:i« f thai the i<lca of a \v«»rl«l court captivate<l the
a which has been pronouiu'i*<l the moM <li*-

tii>^i.>^..v.l that ever met. Ah ;'

would f)rol)ably not have toucl
and aroused t'
ancc of the Ii

in all count ric!» w. mu-

of the Powers r« tin

treaty, the Unite<l States Senate voting unannnously
— a rare event. We may justly accept this far-
reachinp^ and rapid success as evidence of a deep,
fjeneral and earnest desire in all lands t*^ '^- ^ war
an«l enthrone jwacc thru the judicial i -f

disputes by courts.

At last there is no excuse for war. A tribunal i<
now at hand to judpc wisely and deliver riphtcous
judgment between nations. It has made an auspicious
start. A number of disputes have already been
settled by it. First, it settled a diflFerence between the
United States and Mexico. Then President Roose-
velt, when asked to act as arbiter, nobly le<l
(K'nnany. I-Vance, Italy, America and \'eiu
it for nt of their differences, which lias jusl

been < <1.

Britain had recently a narrow escape from war
with Russia, arisinjj from the unfortunate incident
upon the Dojjger Bank, when fishinjj boats were
struck by shots from Russian warships. There was
intense excitement. The Hague Treaty provides
tl^ •' such di'" arise International Com-

n. .f Inquii lied. This was the course

pursued by the two Ciovemments, parties to the
treaty, which happily preserved the peace.

It was under another provision of The Ilaf^ue
Conference that the President of the United States
addressed his recent note to Ja|)an and Russia sug-
gesting a conference looking to peace, and offering

his services to bring it about. His success was thus
made possible by The Haggle Treaty. The world is
fast awakening to its far-reaching consequences and
to the fact that the greatest advance man has ever
made by one act is the creation of a World Court to
settle international disputes.

As I write report comes that to-morrow the
august tribunal is to begin hearing France and
Britain upon their differences regarding Muscat.
There sits the divincst conclave that ever graced the
earth, judged by its mission, which is the fulfilment
of the prophecy, "When men shall beat their swords
into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning
hooks, nation shall not lift up sword against nation,
neither shall they learn war any more."

Thus the world court goes marching an to the
dethronement of .savage war and the enthronement
of peaceful arbitration.

The Hague Tribunal has nothing compulsory
about it ; all members are left in perfect freedom as
to whether they submit questions to it or not. This
has sometimes been regarded as its weakness, but it
is, from another point of view, its strongest feature.
Like International Law, it depends upon its merits
to win its way, and, as we have seen, it is succeeding,
but so anxious are many to hasten the abolition of
war that suggestions are made towards obtaining
the con.sent of the Powers to agree to submit to it
certain classes of questions. In this it may be well
to make haste slowly and refrain from exerting
pressure. This will all come in good time. Peace
wins her way not by force ; her appeal is to the rea-
son and the conscience of man. In all treaties
hitherto the great Powers have retained power to
withhold submission of questions affecting "their
honor or vital interests." This was only natural
at first, and time is required gradually to widen the
range of subjects to be submitted. The tendency to
do this is evident, and it only needs patience to reach

the desired end. The f^reatcfit step forward m in.^
direction is that Denmark antl the Netherlands and
Chih ami ArKentiria Ii * ■ • . ^^^^^

agrcein)^ to submit to .i ik-

ing no exception whatever. To «..
work, the latter two have erected >
Prince of Peace on thr peak of the Andes,

which marks the bn^^ . , -i U boundary between
them.

Another splendid advance in this direction has
been made in the agreement to arbitrate all (|ues-
tions betw« len and Norway. Questions af-

fecting; "ill lice, integrity or vital interests"

are excepted, Inii >hould any diflference arise as to
what do, that question is to be submitted. In other
words either nation can claim that a question does so
and, if The Hague Tribunal agrees, it is not arbi-
trated. But if the Tribunal decides the diflference
docs not concern the "independence, integrity or
vital interest of either country," then it is submitted
to arbitration. This is certainly a step forward, and
you will plcasv* note that intangible thing — "honor"
— is omitted.

These nations are to be cordially congratulated on
taking the initial step in this splendid advance. We
grudge not the honor and glory that have fallen to
them therefrom, tho in our hearts we may feel that
this might mor< -riately have hccn the work of

the rare that a slavery, both branches par-

ti( in ! 1 1 . 1 'u'd'the duel. What our

ra* 1 iiMW (i. ;> I.. I .llow the example set and

conclude such a treaty, operative within the wide
boundaries of English-speakers, Empire and Re-
public. Less than this were derogatory to our past
as pbneers of progress. We cannot long permit
these small nations to march in advance. We shoidd
at least get abreast of tlictn.

We have noted that honor or vital interests have
hitherto been excepted from submission by artNtra-

tion treaties. We exclaim, "Oh, Liberty, what
crimes are committed in thy name!" but these are
triflinjj compared with those committed in tlie name
of "Honor," the most dishonored word in our lan-
guage. Never did man or nation ever dishonor
another man or nation. This is impossible. All
honor's wounds are self-indicted. All stains upon
honor come from within, never from without. In-
nocence seeks no revenge, there is nothing to be re-
venged, guilt can never be. Man or nation whose
honor needs vindication beyond a statement of the
truth, which puts calumny to shame, is to be pitied.
Innocence rests with that, truth has a quiet breast,
for the guiltless find that

"So dear to heaven is saintly innocence,
A thousand liveried angels lackey her
To keep her from all sense of sin and shame."

Innocent honor, assailed, discards bloody revenge
and seeks the Halls of Justice and of Arbitration.
It has been held in the past that, a man's honor
assailed, vindication lay only thru the sword. To-day
it is sometimes still held that a nation's honor,
assailed, can in like manner be vindicated only thru
war, but it is not open to a member of our race to
hold this doctrine, for within its wide boundaries no
dispute between men can be lawfully adjusted out-
side the courts of law. Instead of vindicating his
honor, the English-speaking man who violated the
law by seeking redress by personal violence would
dishonor himself. Under our law, no wrong against
man can be committed that justifies the crime of
private vengeance after its commission.

The man of our race who holds that his country
would be dishonored by agreeing to unrestricted
arbitration forgets that according; to this standard
he is personally dishonored by doing that very thing.
Individually he has become civilized, nationally he
remains barbaric, refusing peaceful settlement and
insisting upon national revenge — all for injured
honor.

N\ !^l not r II

an«l with !>• ..J.

Chili ami Arj:«rntuu, the ''dishonor " they have re-
cently incurrcti, and ♦•^t.iMn it a proud ?"-— — -on?

Nations are only a;. of the ii ; The

fMirallel between war >tn«i uk- duel is id

as siKtety within our race already relir n

of Justice to protect its members from all wfuii^ . >o
shall the nations finally rely upon International
Courts.

Objection has been made that unreasonable, dts-
honoring; or baseless claims mif^ht l)e made under
arbitration. That any member of the family of
nations would present a claim wholly without basis,
or that the Court would not dccitlc against it if
made. i«i a rlan^rr purely hy|)Othctical. Tlie ag^ce-
N when made will un 'y

incc with the ideas "i n,

and the inde{>endencc and e(|uality of all memlK^s
and their existinjj territories rccojjni^^''^ These
could not be assailed.

Three incidents have occurred situr uu- Court
was organized which have caused much |)ain to the
friends of |)eace thniout the world :

America refused the offer of the Filipinos to ad-
just their quarrel by arbitration. Britain refuse<l
the offer of the Transvaal Republic to arbitr.-itr.
altho three of the Court proposed by the Kc;
were to be British Judges, and the other two J
of Holland — the most remarkable offer ever :
highly creditable to the maker and a gri *
to British Judges. Neither Russia nor J..
gested submission to The I lagiie. Since the 1 ia^juc
Court is the result of the Russian Em|)eror's initia-
tive, this caused equal suqirise and |)ain. The ex-
planation has been suggested that |>eaceftd confer-
ences were iHring held when Japan attacked at Port
Arthur without notice, rendering arbitration impos-
sible.

Wc must rccojjnizc these disconrapfinp: incidents,
but wo have the consolation left us of bclievinj^ that,
had either of the three nations seen at the bep^inning
the consequences of ip^orinjj arbitration, as clearly
as they did later, they would have accepted arbitra-
tion and had reason to conjjratulate themselves upon
the award of the Court, whatever it was. They will
learn by experience. Notwithstanding these rep^ret-
table failures to refer disputes to The Hague Court
as i>eaceful umpire, we have abundant reason for
satisfaction in the number of instances in which the
Court's award has already brought peace without
the sacrifice of one human life — the victories which
bring no tears.

Signs of action in favor of universal peace abound.
Among these may be mentioned that the Inter-
Parliamentary Union assembled at St. I>ouis last
year requested the Governments of the world to send
representatives to an International Conference to
consider : — First, the questions for the consideration
of which the Conference at The Hague expressed a
wish that a future conference be called. Second,
the negotiation of Arbitration Treaties between the
nations represented. Third, the advisability of
establishing an International Congress to be con-
vened periodically for the discussion of international
questions.

President Roosevelt invited the nations to call the
conference, but has recently deferred to the Emp>eror
of Russia as the proper party to call the nations
together again.

Should the proposed periodic congress be estab-
lished, we shall have the germ of the Council of
Nations, which is coming to keep the peace of the
world, judging between nations, as the Supreme
Court of the United States judges to-day between
States embracing an area larger than Europe. It
will be no novelty, but merely an extension of an
agency already proved upon a smaller scale. As we
26

dwell upon the rapid strides toward peace which
man is making;, the thought arises that there may be
those now |»rcscnt who will live to see this world
con ■ thru which is sure to conie in

th( the banishment of man-slaying

am nations.

I a rcrs will follow closely the proceed-

ings of ihe liable Conference, for upon its ever
extending; sway larj^cly depends the cominjj of the
reign of peace. Its next meeting will be important,
perha|)s c|)och-making. Its creation and speedy
success pre|)arc us for suq>risingly rapid profifress.
Even the smallest further step taken in a' ful

direction would soon lead to successive rc-

after. The tide has set in at last, and i- as

never licforc for the principle of Arbiiai : as
against War.

So much for the Temple of Peace at The Hague.
Permit me a few words upon Arbitration in general.

The statesmen who first foresaw and i 'the

benefits of modern arbitration were \\ »n,

Franklin, Hamilton. Jay and Grenville.

As early as 1780 Franklin writes, "We make daily
great improvements in Natural, there is one I wish
to see in Moral, Philosophy — the discovery of a plan
that would induce and oblige nations to settle their
disputes without first cutting each other's throats/*
His wish was realized in the Jay Treaty of
1794, from which nKKlern arbitration data's. It is
noteworthy that this Treaty was the chiM »)f our race
and that the most important questions which arbitra-
tion has settled so far have been ihosv bt-twot n ii>
two branches.

It may surprise you to learn that fr..i.. i..v ...,.v ...
the Jay Treaty, one hundred and eleven years ago,
no less than five hundred and seven* ntema-

tional disputes have been settled !)v a 1. Not

in any case has an award been »i' < disre-

garded, except, I believe, in oiu ..i-, . »^.,crc the

arbiters misunderstood their powers. If in every ten
of these differences so quietly adjusted without a
wound, there lurked one war. it follows that peaceful
settlement has prevented fifty-seven wars — one
every two years. More than this, had the fifty-seven
wars, assumed as prevented by arbitration, devel-
oped, they would have sown the seeds of many
future wars, for there is no such prolific mother of
wars as war itself. Mate breeds hate, quarrel breeds
quarrels, war breeds war — a hateful progeny. It is
the poorest of all remedies. It poisons as it cures. No
truer line was ever penned than this of Milton,
*Tor what can war but endless wars still breed?"

No less than twenty-three International Treaties
of Arbitration have been made within the past two
years. The United States made ten with the principal
Powers, which only failed to be formally executed
because the Senate, which shares with our Execu-
tive the treaty-making jxjwer to the extent that its
approval is necessary, thought it advisable to change
one word only — "treaty" for "agreement" — which
proved unsatisfactory to the Executive. The vote
of the Senate was almost unanimous, showing an
overwhelming sentiment for arbitration. The inter-
nal difference will no doubt be adjusted.

You will judge from these facts how rapidly arbi-
tration is spreading. Once tried, there is no back-
ward step. It produces peace and leaves no bitter-
ness. The parties to it become better friends than
before ; war makes them enemies.

Much has been written upon the fearful cost of
war in our day, the ever-increasing blood tax of
nations, which threatens soon to approach the point
of exhaustion jn several European lands. To-day
France leads with an expenditure of £3 14s and a
debt of £31 3s 8d per head. Britain follows with an
annual expenditure of £3 8s 8d and a debt of £18 10s
5d per head. Germany's expenditure is in great
contrast — only £1 15s 4d, not much more tlian oue-

Ihinl; ii-

ain. I 'he

game as t)i< I ; her (i<-

Thc mill*. - i naval c\,

fully half of her total expenditure ; that of ihc other
(jreai Powers, thou^^h less, is rapidly incrciHini^.

All the ^roat national tiehts. with tntlin^^ excep-
tions — lUiiain's Fi ' " ' *' " i^, France's
Twelve Hundred M ihc Icjjacie^

drain, with the economic loss of life addc<l. is
forcing itself upon the nations concenied as never
before. It threatens soon to become dangerous un-
less the rapid increase of recent years be stopjied.
but it is to be feared that not till after financial
catastrophe occurs will nations devote themselves
scr 'Iv the cure.

f war as a means of producing peace
Ixrtweeii tiaii<ms has often been dwelt upon. It is
really the most futile of all reme<lies, because it
embitters contestants and sows the seeds of future
stnijj^gles. Generations are sometimes required to
eradicate the hostility engenclered by one conflict.
War sows dragons* teeth and seldom gives to either
party what it fought for. When it does, the spoil
generally proves dea<l sea fruit. The recent terrible
war just concluded is another case in point. Neither
contestant obtained what he fought for, the rep\iterl
victor being mo.st of all disappointed at last with the
terms of jieace. Had Japan, a very poor country,
known that the result would be a <lebt of two hun-
dred millions Sterling loading her down, or had
Russia kiunvn the result, differences \\ ' * * »ve
been |)cacefully arbitrated. Such o»; ns

find no place, however, in the fiery ftirnavc ..i |»op-
ular clamor — as little do those of cost or loss of
life, (^nly if the moral wrong, the sin in itself, of
man-slaying is brought hoiue to the conscience of
the masses may we hope speedily to banish war.

There will, we tear, always he dcmaj^o^s in nur day
to inflame their hrutal passions and urge men to
fight, as a point of honor and patriotism, scouting
arbitration as a cowardly refuge. All thoughts of
cost or loss of human life vanish when the brute in
man, thus aroused, gains sway.

It is the crime oi destroying human life by war
and the duty to offer or accept peaceful arbitration
as a substitute which needs to be established, and
which, as we think, those of the Church, the Univer-
sities, and of the Professions are called upon to
strongly emphasize.

If the principal European nations were not free
thru conscription from the problem which now dis-
turbs the military authorities of Britain, the lack of
sufficient numbers willing to enter the man-slaying
profession, we should soon hear the demand formu-
lated for a League of Peace among the nations. The
subject of war can never be studied without recalling
this simplest of all modes for its abolition. Five
nations co-operated in quelling the recent Chinese
disorders and rescuing their representatives in
Pekin. It is i)erfectly clear that these five nations
could banish war. Suppose even three of them
formed a League of Peace — inviting all other nations
to join — and agreed that since war in any part of the
civilized world affects all nations, and often seri-
ously, no nation shall go to war, but shall refer
International disputes to The Hague Conference or
other arbitral body for peaceful settlement, the
League agreeing to declare non-intercourse with
any nation refusing compliance. Imagine a nation
cut off to-day from the world. The League also
might reserve to itself the right, where non-inter-
course is likely to fail or has failed to prevent war,
to use the necessary force to maintain the peace,
each member of the League agreeing to provide the
needed forces or money in lieu thereof, in proportion
to her population or wealth. Being experimental

an«l upnii iriai. c-

cssarv. at first t li-

(Ir.i the

I^M . 'ty

vote of aii tho I*'urthcr provision* and

perhaps stmic a<L , is would be found requisite,

but the main idea is here.

The Kmpcrt)r of Russia called The Hague G>n-
ference which gave us an International Tribunal.
Were King Kdward or the Em|)eror of Germany or
the l*resi<lont of I'rancc, acting for their Govern-
ments, to invite the nations to send representatives
to consider the wisdom of forming such a I^eague,
the invitation would no doubt be responded to and
probably prove successful.

The number that would gladly join such a League
would be great, for the smaller nations would wel-
come the opportunity.

The relations between Britain, France and the
United States to-day are so close, their aimc so
similar, their territories and fields of op. so

clearly define<i and so different that the rs

might proi>erly unite in inviting other nations to
consider the question of such a League as has been
sketched. It is a subject well worthy the attention
of their rulers, for of all the mo<les of hastening the
end of war this appears the easiest and the best.
We have no reason to doubt that arbitration in its
present optional form will continue its rapid prog-
ress, and that it in itself contains the elements re-
quire<l finally to lead us to peace, for it conquers
wherever it is tried, but it is none the less gratifying
to know that there is in reserve a drastic mode of
enforcement, if needed, which would promptly
banish war.

Notwithstanding all the cheering signs of the
grov •■ ■ ' ^ if

we .1 : is

scarcely to be hoped that the future has not to wit-

ness more than one jjreat holocaust of men to be
offered up before the rcipfii of peace blesses the
earth. The scoria from the snioulderinj^ mass of
the fiery past, the seeds the jjreat wars liave sown,
may be expected to burst out at intervals more and
more remote until the poison of the past is ex-
hausted. That there is to be perfect, unbroken peace
in our progress to this end we are not so unduly
sanguine as to imagine. \Vc are prepared for more
than one outbreak of madness and folly in the future
as in the past, but that peace is to come at last, and
that sooner, much sooner than the majoriy of my
hearers can probably credit, I for one entertain not
one particle of doubt.

We sometimes hear, in defence of war, that it
develops the manly virtue of courage. This means
only physical courage, which some animals and the
lower order of savage men possess in the highest
degree. According to this idea, the more man re-
.sembles the bulldog the higher he is developed 'as
man. The Zulus, armed witli spears, rush upon
repeating rifles, not because unduly endowed with
true courage, but because they lack common sense.
One session or less at St. Andrews University would
cure them of their folly. In our scientific day,
beyond any that has preceded, discretion is by far
the better part of valor. Officers and men, brave
to a fault, expose themselves needlessly and die for
the country they would have better served by shel-
tering themselves and living for. Physical courage
is far too common to be specially extolled. Japanese
Russian and Turk, Zulu and Achenese are all. fa-
mous for it. It is often allied with moral cowardice.
Hotspur is an ideal physical-courage hero when he
exclaims —

"By heaven, methinks it were an easy leap,
To pluck bright honor from the pale-faced moon,
Or dive into the bottom of the deep,
Where fathom line could never touch the ground,

.1 1 ^. - I... .

Vain |>rnrr>rk. unless he rouM r<»ap the glory
stmt I <l with iiion*. he

cared n hicvc. . nothing Cor

the cause, nothing for his country.

Achilles, sulking in his tent, incensed ufrnn the
question of loot and praying the go<ls to defeat hi*
owi * - ' of a physically

coi; -ly. our nuHlem

mil : a ililtci It is

not rms to i lard of

his age, but the bail .standard of the age that is to ho
condemned. Men arc to be judged only by the
standard of their time, and tho our standard of to-
day may be low indeed, the men conforming ♦'» •»
are not to he decried.

If y«»u would be lifted up and inspired by wor-
.sliippiiig at the shriut' of the much nobler and rarer
virtue, moral courage, stand lK»fore tlv "' rs*
Monument yonder. The Martyrs care<l i lor

earthly glory and honor or reward : their tiuty was
to stand for a nol)le cause, and for that, not for their
own selfish exaltation, they marched through fire
and fagot to death unHinchingly, chanting as they
marched.

There is one very enci'^ ' <-

ress within our race, a> d,

the influence of education u|)on ihe ina»cs in evolv-
ing clearer ideas of responsibility for their actions.
The attention of Parliament was recently calletl to
the diflficultv of obtaining recruits for the annv. The
shortage ot officers in the auxiliary forces (Volun-
teers and Militia) is no less than twenty-five per
cent. ^one- fourth of the whole. The Nlilitia has
32,000 men less than In'fore. The Regtdar .Army
lacks 242 ofl^HHTS, and the Uritish .Anny ft>r India is
sliort 12,000 British recruits. The Government pro-

nounccs this **thc most serious problem whicli con-
fronts the mihtary authorities/' Some of the highest
mihtary authorities see the final remedy only in con-
scription. I rejoice to inform you that your kin
beyond sea in America have on hand the very same
problem for her navy. Ilcr army, boing so small, is
not yet affected. All their warships cannot be
manned — 3,500 men arc lacking. From this shortage
of recruits we are ju.stified in concluding that there
is no longer a general desire in our race to enter the
services. This is specially significant, as we are in-
formed that increase of pay would not greatly in-
crease recruiting, as recruits are obtained chiefly
from a certain class. We hear of a like trouble in
another profession, a scarcity of young, educated,
con.scientious men desirous of entering the Ministry,
thought to be owing to the theological tenets to
which they are required to subscribe. Both branches
of the Church in Scotland have accordingly endeav-
ored to meet this problem of substituting less ob-
jectionable terms.

Perhaps from the public library young men have
taken Carlyle and read how he describes the artisans
of Britain and France: "Thirty stand fronting
thirty, each with a gun in his hand. Straightway
the word 'fire' is given, and they blow the souls out
of one another; and in place of sixty brisk, useful
craftsmen, the world has sixty dead carcases which
it must bury and anew shed tears for. Had these
men any quarrel? Busy as the devil is, not the
smallest! They lived far enough apart, were the
entirest strangers ; nay, in so wide a universe there
was even, unconsciously, by commerce, some mutual
helpfulness between them. How then ? Simpleton !
Their Governors had fallen out, and, instead of
shooting one another, had the cunning to make these
poor blockheads shoot."

Those who decline the advances of the decorated
Recruiting Officer may have stumbled upon Profes-

■ '. Ihc hif^hcr
the iiiore (Itt-
pcratc the )t>. Here tn a person upon

whom (hxI i) rrcd the rare f^h of mathemJO*

ical {genius, it properly directetl what ati ahuiiftant
source of benefit to mankind. It mi^ht Ik* employed
in the construction of railways, by which the most
distant parts of the world are hrou^^ht into commu-
nication with each other. It mi^ht be employed in
fla>hinjj the trembling lij^htninjj across the wires,
making them the mediiiin of intercourse between
loving hearts thousands of miles apart ; in increasing^
the wontlorful |)0\vcrs of the steam engine, relieving^
man from his exhausting; toils ; in application to the
printin)^ press, scndini;;; li^ht and knowledge to the
farthest extremities of the earth. It might be em-
ployed in draining marshes, in supplying our towns
and cities with water, and in adding to the health
and happiness of men. It might lay down ndes
derived from the starry heavens, by which the mar-
iner is guided through the wild wastes of waters in
the darkest night. How noble is science when thus
dirccte<I, but in the same proportion how debasing
does it become when directed to human destruction!
It is as if a chemist were to make use of his knowl-
edge not to cure the diseases of which humanity is
suffering, but to poison the springs of cxi>tence.
The scientific soldier cultivates his enclowments for
what purpose? That he may detennine the precise
direction at which these batteries may vomit forth
their fire so as to destroy most property and most
lives; that he may calculate the precise angles and
force with which these shells may be sent up into the
air that they may fall uiK)n that particular spot
which is thronged with men. and exploding there,
send havoc among thcin. Great God! am I at lib-
erty to devote my faculties to this infernal work?"

That is a voice from Dunfermline ni weij^luy im-
port. 1 found it recently and rejoiced that when a
child, I had often seen the man who wrote these
words.

Wycliff's opinion may have arrested the young
men's attention: "What honor falls to a knig^ht
that kills many men? The hanpnan killeth many
more and with a better title. Better were it for men
to be butchers of beasts than butchers of their
brethren !'

Or John Wesley's wail may have struck deep in
the hearts of some fit for recruits: "You may pour
out your soul and bemoan the loss of true, [genuine
love in the earth. Lost indeed ! These Christian
kingdoms that are tearing out each other's bowels,
desolating one another with fire and sword! These
Christian armies that are sending each other by
thousands, by tens of thousands, quick to hell !"

It may be from eminent soldiers that young men
have received the most discouraging accounts of the
profession. Napoleon declared it "the trade of bar-
barians." Wellington writes Lord Shaftesbury,
"War is a most detestable thing. If you had seen
but one day of war, you would pray God you might
never see another." General Grant, offered a Military
Review by the Duke of Cambridge, declined, saying
he never wished to look upon a regiment of soldiers
again. General Shemian writes he was "tired and
sick of the war. Its glory is all moonshine. It is
only those who have neither fired a shot nor heard
the shrieks and groans of the wounded, who cry
aloud for more blood, more vengeance, more deso-
lation. War is Hell."

Perhaps some have pondered over Sir John Sin-
clair's opinion that "the profession of a soldier is a
damnable profession."

The professional soldier is primarily required for
purposes of aggression, it being clear that if there
were none to attack, none to defend would be need-

til ThcVo!

to 'Irfm«l Iv

forth aiul slay his fellows ns <!

of humc and country mav |K)NHi.n> .f^ ^

altho no man living; in ftritain or Ain

Rccn inv. t all likely to set* ii. Mill, tlic

clcinrnt i am! «l!itv rnter here. That h

is CN

ROCs

ci'cr, that tchich makrs it a holy duty to defend one's

home and country also makes it a holy duty not to

inxxide the country and home of others, a truth

which has not hitherto hecn kept in mind. The

more*s the pity, for in our time it is one incumbent

u|K)n th<- * • - • ,„^p Ifj J , • r

The pn-: lir of hir\ . .1-

ar>'. No iluts calU aii\ man Uj adopt the naval or
military profcssii>n and onjijaj^o to j^o ft)rth to kill
other men when and where orderc<l without refer-
ence to the rijfht or wronjjr of the quarrel. It is a
serious enj^^jemont involvmg as we lookers-on sec
it a complete surrender of the power most precious
to man — the rij^ht of private jud^nent and appeal to
oe. Jay, the father of the t' tv be-

• ritain and America, has not i • i>oint

out that "our country, right or wrong, is reliellion
against (loil and treason to the cause of civil and
religious liberty, of justice an<l humanity.'*

Just in proportion as man becomes truly intelli-
gent, we must exiHfct him to realize more and more
that he !> '' ilone is r* ''Ic for his selection

of an o< I. and ih.; r Pofx*. Priest nor

King can relieve him from tlii> n^ Hty.

It was all very well for the i. :. illiterate

hind, pressed into King Henry's service, to argiie.
**\ow, if these men do not die well, it will bo l
black matter for the King that led thcni to iu wboni

to disobey were ajjainst all proportion of subjec-
tion.'' The schoolmaster lias been abroad since
then. The divine rijj^ht of King^s has pfone. The
mass of English-speaking men now make and un-
make their Kings, scout infallibility of power of
Pope or Priest, and in extreme cases sometimes ven-
ture to arg^ie a point, even with their own minister.
The "Judge within" begins to rule. Whether a
young man decides to devote his powers to making
of himself an efficient instrument for injuring or
destroying, or for saving and serving his fellows,
rests with himself to decide after serious considera-
tion.

To meet the scarcity of officers the Government
state<l that it was considering the policy of looking
to the Universities for the needed supply, and that
steps might be taken to encourage the study of war
with a view to enlistment; but if University stu-
dents are so far advanced ethically as to decline
pledging themselves to preach "creeds outworn" —
rightfully most careful to heed the "Judge within,"
their own conscience — Universities will probably be
found poor recruiting ground for men required to
pledge themselves to go forth and slay their fellow-
men at another's bidding. The day of humiliation
will have come upon Universities when their gradu-
ates, upon whom have been spent years of careful
education in all that is highest and best, find tliem-
.selves at the end good for nothing better than "food
for powder." I think I hear the response of the son
of St. Andrews to the Recruiting Officer, "Is thy
servant a dog that he should do this thing?"

From one point of view the scarcity of officers
and recruits in Britain and America, where men are
free to choose, and the refusal of University Stu-
dents to compromise themselves by pledges upon
entering the Ministry, is most cheering, evincing as
it does a keener .sense of personal responsibility, a
stronger appeal to conscience — the "Judge within"

-— niorc tender and ftym^atttctic tutiirc^ >cr

standard of human action, and altti|{ethcr n ingner
type i>f man.

If war rc<ii!irc$ a Mr its

recruits, much iKticr w ve

ami let Britain ami America ilqK:itti patri-

otism of citizen^ to dcfcml thiir if at-

tacked, in which dutv I for one >; c they

will never be found mefficient. l .v^».vM*lcrson.

in his "Science of War," states "that the American
X'ohmtcers were superior to tht ' vies of

EurojKT — that the morale of c« : •« has

always iH'en their weakest ix>int. Ti the

volunteer is of a higher tyi)e." i to

reason.

Should. Britain ever be invaded, the whole male
population able to march would volunteer, and from
many |)arts of the world thousands would rush to
the defence of the old home. Those who invade the
land of Sh ■ < and Burns will find they have

to face ft'! > never reckoned upon. The

hearts and cuiiscicnces of all would 1k' in the work,
and "Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just.**

Students of St. Andrews, my cflfort has been to
give you a correct idea of the movement now stirring
the world for the abolition of war, and what it has
alreadv lished. It never was so \' ad

or so \ . nor at any stage of tht ^m

have it> inuinphs been so numerous and important
as those of the last few years, beginning with The
Hague Conference, which in itself marks an epoch.
The foundation stone of the structure to come was
then laid. The absolute surrender by four nations
of all future differences to arbitration, and Xorway
and Swe<len's agreement, mark aiioilK-r -tai:c. Thus
the civilized world at ' \es steadily to the

reign of peace through . n.

The has no uir minds.

What i :tv and i. co-operate

in this holy work and hasten the end of war. I advise
you to adopt Washington's words as your own,
"My first wish is to sec this plague of mankind, war,
banished from the earth." Leagfucs of Peace might
be formed over the world with these words as their
motto and basis of action. How are we to realize
this pious wish of Washington's? may be asked.
Here is the answer: Whenever an international
dispute arises, no matter what party is in power,
demand at once that your Government offer to refer
it to arbitration, and if necessary break with your
party. Peace is above party. Should the adversary
have forestalled your Government in offering arbi-
tration, which for the sake of our race I trust will
never occur, then insist upon its acceptance and
listen to nothing until it is accepted. Drop all other
public questions, concentrate your efforts upon the
one question which carries in its bosom the issue of
peace or of war. Lay aside your politics until this
war issue is settled. This is the time to be effective.
And what should the ministers of the churches be
doing? Very different from what they have done
in the past. They should cease to take shelter from
the storm, hiding themselves in the recital of the
usual formulas pertaining to a ^future life in which
men in this life have no duties, when the nation is
stirred upon one supreme moral issue, and its Gov-
ernment, asserting the right to sit in judgment upon
its own cause, is on the brink of committing the
nation to unholy war, for unholy it must be if peace-
ful settlement offered by an adverstary be refused.
Refusal to arbitrate makes war, even for a good
cause, unholy ; an offer to arbitrate lends dignity
and importance to a poor one. Should all efforts
fail, and your country, rejecting the appeal to judi-
cial arbitration, plunges into war, your duty does not
end. Calmly resolute in adherence to your convic-
tions, stating them when called upon, tho never vio-
lently intruding them, you await the result, which

cannot fail to prove that those who «tooH for
ful arl cho5c the ri^^ht path anil luvc been

wise C' - - :> of their couniry. It is a melan-
choly fact that nations l(x>kin(; l>ack have uniallv to
con/ess that their wars have been blunders, which
inean:» they have been crimes.

And the women of the land, .vomen stu-

dents of St. Andrews — what m do? Not

wait, as usual, until war has bejjiin. and then, their
sympathies aroused, organi/*- ''''"»'nerablc societies
for making and sending m and even lux-

uries to the front, or join Kt-i i n»8 Societies and
go themselves to the field, nursinjj the wounded,
that these may the sooner be able to return to the
ranks to wound others or bo af3:ain wounded, or to
kill or be killed. The tender cli<3rds of sympathy
for the injured which fjrace women and are so
easily stirred are always to be cherished, but it may
be supg:ested that were their united voices raised in
stem opposition to war before it is declared, urging
the offer of arbitration or in earnest remonstrance
against refusing it. one day of eflfort then would
prove more effective than months of it after war has
begun.

It is certain that if the good people of all parties
and creeds, sinking for the time other political ques-
tions whenever the issue of war arises, were to de-
mand arbitration, no Government dare refuse. They
have it in their power in every enu - to save

their country from war and ensure i : peace.

If in every constituency there were organized an
Arbitration League, consisting of members who
agree that arbitration of international disputes must
be " ■ 1 by the rK^viTimient if of-
feiv picdjjing thcinNclves to vote
in support of, or in < n to, political parties ac-

cop'J"" t'» their act;. , v.:i this question, it is sur-

prising how soon both parties would accept arbitra-
tion as a policy. I know of no work that would
prove more fruitful for your country and for the
world than this. It is by concentrating upon one
issue that great causes are won.

In this holy work of insisting upon arbitration,
surely we may expect the men and women of St.
Andrews, of all Lniversities and other educational
institutions, of all the churches and of all the profes-
sions, to unite and take a prominent part. I quoted
the words of Washington at the beginning of this
appeal, i-et me close by quoting the words of Lin-
coln. When a young man, employed upon a trading
boat, he made a voyage of some weeks' duration
upon the Mississippi. He visited a .slave market,
where men. women and children were not slaugh-
tered, as formerly in war, but were separated and
sold from the auction block. His companion tells
that after standing for some time Lincoln turned
and walked silently away. Lifting his clenched
hand, his first words were. "If ever I get a chance, I
shall hit this accursed thing hard." Many years
passed, during which he never failed to stand forth
as the bitter foe of slavery and the champion of the
slave. This was for him the paramount issue. He
w^as true to his resolve thruout life, and in the
course of events his time came at last. This poor
young toiling boatman became President of the
United States and was privileged with a stroke of
his pen to emancipate the last slaves remaining in
the civilized world, four millions in number. He
kept the faith, and gave the lesson for all of us in
our day, who have still with us war in all its enor-
mity, many of us more or less responsible for it,
because we have not hitherto placed it above all
other evils and concentrated our efforts sufficiently
upon its extinction. Let us resolve like Lincoln,
and select man-slaying as our foe, as he did man-

,..

c. l^t us iikc him kroj)
: .. - came. <w> to ii«. i.nr t tr .
wil! i im-. and. as it docs, let us hil acru
Jard until \vc drive it from thr civilized w<.
• lid slavery.

Council of Direction for the
Hmcrican Branch of the
Hssociation for Interna-
tional Conciliation

Ltman Aubott, New Yokk
CiiAitLKB Francis Ahams i; : v

KDWIN a ALUCKM ' MLLI, Va.

(MlARt.CS H. AMKH.

UicM* -i" »'•*" ''>■'■ 1 i«, ^f"

CLt;

Wii

T. i; . .iio.

Nirn ; > 'RK.

ASP!:! '.

Kdv

JOS!

J.)ii . 1>. C.

Ul< V York.

Jon V York.

.Tamks M. (an;i;N\vt;uu, Kan.sas City, Mo.
Frankli.n II. Head. CniCAOo, III.
Wii-r.!A\t .1 iioi I.AM). TiTismjuoii, Pa.
Ha'

Jam
Moi
Oax

\ao. III.

I) University, (al

Kdm

AtX'l.i II 1^;.*^ i.^'Mi >. .Ni

Sbth 1>ow. New York

rLARENTR I? MAfRAY.

W. H. M^

Drandei:

w. w. yi

my.

ST)

.^^ i.'UK.

Nkw York.

■ <>

N. D. C.

^ill

ADY, N. 1.

Md.

-!TON, MASB.

SY. N. Y.

KLir
J. <:
iRAAt :.
K. J. V. >

N. D. C.

. N. Y.
York.
III.

WlI.LTA^T

V York.

* " " ' MOHONK, N. Y.

K.
VOTON. D. C.

"v Francibco, Cal
I ;• 'BMOPOLI8, Ala.

" D. C.

^v. I

Ben '. 5fAS8.

Edw ' J-

Wii.i.iAM I>. Wiiin:! wni-nT, Portland, Ore.
.\XDBEw D. WniTB, Ithaca, N. Y.

S&ooctatton for Sfntcrnattonal Conctltatton

PRO PjtTRM PMM OMBfS CONCORDtAM

THE RESULTS

OF THE SECOND HAGUE CONFERENCE

D'Elsloumelles de Constant and David Jaync Hill

DOCUMENT 4. DECEMBER 1907

Amcncan BnacK of tbe A— ocitioo for loterttaticial
6i New York Gty

The Executive Committee of the American Branch of
the Associaiion f»>r International Conciliation wish to arouse
the interest of the American people in the progress of the
movement for promoting international peace and relations of
comity and good fellowship between na.tions. To this end
they print and circulate documents giving information as to
the progress of these movements, in order that individual
citizens, the newspaper press, and organizations of various
kinds may have readily available accurate information on
these subjects. The work of the second Hague Conference
is widely undervalued, because it has not been clearly
understood. Therefore, the authorative articles by Baron
d'Estoumelles dc Constant, a delegate to the Conference
from France, and by the Hon. David Jayne Hill, Ambassador-
designate to Germany and a member of the American de-
legation to the Conference, are of unusual value.

The present document is one of a series published hj
the American Branch of the International Conciliation. Anj
one of the documents will be sent postpaid upon receipt of s
request addressed to the Secretary of the American Branci
of the International Conciliation, Post Office Sub-Station 84,
New York, N. Y.

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BRANCH:

Nicholas Murray Butler
Richard Bartholdt
Lyman Abbott
James Speyer
Richard Watson Gilder
Stephen Henry Olin
Beth Low
Andrew D. White

THE NET RESULT AT THE HAGUE

Br DAVID JAYNE HILL

l«prteted by ptrwlMina froai Um Kbtibw or Rsnawi,

There are two widely accepted theories with regard to the
pacification of the world which tend to belittle the value of the
Ha^ue Conferences. One is that permanent peace between the
nations is intrinsically impossible, because their vital interests
and purposes are in essential conflict, and the love of domina-
tion 18 so Strong in human nature that war is certain always to
recur in the fu^iire as it has in the past. The opposing theory
is that univcisal peace is at once attainable by the mere resolu-
tion to abolish war, and that governments have only to agree
to maintain fcace ty referring all their differences to third
parties for settlement, binding themselves to abide by their de-
cisions, whatever they may be.

Tliose who hold the first theory regard international con-
ferences like those that have been held at The Hague as nugatory
and superfluous, for the reason that such congresses can add
nothing to the motives to refrain from war or to the power to
prevent it. On the other hand, those who accept the second
theory regard as sterile and derisory all discussions and agree-
ments that do not go to the root of the matter and by one decisive
act render war impossible.

Between these two ways of thinking, the Hague Confer-
ences have been saluted with contempt on the one hand, and
satire on the other ; and have found their friends chiefly amooff
those who consider that education, the perception of the practical
value of law, and the gradual subjection of impulse to rcasoo
ire progressive elements of national development under the laws
«>f social evolution: and who, therefore, simply ask that, as in
other spheres of political crowth, there may be found in interna-
tional relations a reasonable rate of progress toward the realiza-
tion of the great ideals of peace, co-operation, and good wilL

Leaving aside the merely theoretical aspects of the subject,
let us modestly inquire what are the results of tlie Second Peace
Conference at The Hague?

It is not without significance that, for the first time in the
history of the world, the representatives of forty-five inde-
pendent powers,— diplomatists, jurists, and experts in military
and naval science, — have been able to meet together in a friendly
manner and to discuss without animosity some of the most deli-
cate international questions during more than four months with-
out a rupture of personal or national amity. When it is con-
sidered that the Second Peace Conference at The Hague has
included nearly every sovereign state, — and all of the greatest
importance, — that in many instances the truth has been spoken
clearly, earnestly, and sometimes with vivacity; that some of
the delegates were but recently arrayed against each other in
the heat of battle on sea and land, that others held or represented
opinions diametrically opposed, that they were all largely oc-
cupied with considering what they might or might not do to
one another in the event of a future struggle in which their lives
and those of their countrymen would be the pawns, the courtesy,
the reasonableness, and the agreement of these gentlemen re-
garding certain great principles present a commentary on our
contemporary civilization and an exposition of its tendencies
most gratifying to the moralist and the philanthropist as well as
to the jurist and the publicist.

But what has the Second Conference done? It has dem-
onstrated, first of all, not only that a universal congress of this
character is possible, but that certain great principles, — or postu-
lates of constructive action, as we may call them, — are now be-
yond dispute. Among these are the propositions that peace is
the normal and war the abnormal condition of civilized nations;
that the relations of sovereign states are properly based on
principles of justice, and not upon force; that really sovereign
states should have equal rights before the bar of international
justice, independently of their size or military strength ; that dis-
putes between governments should be settled, as far as possible,
by judicial methods, and not by war; and that war, if inevitable,
is an evil whose disastrous consequences, — especially as regards
neutrals, non-combatants, the sick and the wounded, — should by
general agreement be reduced to a minimum.

What, then, has the Conference done to give practical effect
to these principles? It has concluded thirteen conventions, made
two deckrations, passed one resolution, emitted five voeux, —

■rhich the irrnrerent characterize as ''pioits wtsbes,"— «iid offered
ooe special recommefidalion.

As the conventions have not yet been ratified, and the action
which the difTerent governments may take regarding them is
unknown, it would not be appropriate for a recent <Kl^ate to
do more than describe them in the most objective manner. It
is impossible, therefore, at tliis time and in this artiti'* t<» nit.M)p|
an analysis of the motives and policies of the di: :i-

r ts, — interesting as this might be, — in fixing ii<c nuai.ii »as

have been imposed. It is important to note, however, that,
wliatevcr may be the fate of ilusc treaties as respects ratification
and subsequent exeaition, tlicy accurately register the degree
of progress which an international conference, seriously and
conscientiously aiming at the task of pacification, is now ready
to accept.

The work of the Conference not only serves to indicate the
exact stage that has been reached in international development,
— which has a considerable value for students of the subject, —
but it renders apparent what remains to be done in order to
carry forward the movement of which it forms a part. That
movement cannot be promoted by heaping reproaches upon those
powers whose conservatism has prevented a further advance in
making definite engagements. Each sovereign state has its own
peculiar problems of government, is tlie rightful judge of its
own interests and responsibilities, and cannot justly be placed
in the pillory of public condemnation for the attitude which it
regards as appropriate to the discharge of its obligations to its
constituents. It is by solid argument and by good example, and
not by censure, therefore, that international progress is to be
promoted. However dear our theories and ideas may be to us
as individuals or as nations, the first principle of all harmonious
international development is that no sovereign state is to be
coerced, and that each shall be permitted to act freely in the light
of is interests and responsibilities as it sees them. Progress
therefore, can he made no faster than the powers will consent
to make it ; and that consent will depend in the future, as it has
depended in the past, upon educational influence and wise diplo-
macy. What. then, is the stage of progress actually attained by
the Second Peace Conference?

The first convention is a careful revision of the treaty of
1899 for the paci6c settlement of international disputes. With
regard to good offices and mediation, a slight step forward was
taken by the acceptance of the American proposition that the

initiative of powers foreign to the controversy in oflfering them
is not only "useful" but •ucsirablc." drcattT precision has been
g^ven to the operation of commissions of inquiry, whose great
utihty has already been tested, but it was decided that the func-
tions of such commissions snould be confined to a determination
of facts and should not extend to fixing responsibility. As re-
gards arbitration, while it was reasserted that "in questions of
a legal character, and especially in the interpretation or appli-
cation of international conventions, aroitrat.on is recognized by
the contracting powers as the most efficacious and at the same
time tlie most equitable means of settling differences that have
not been adjusted by diplomacy," and, "in consequence, it would
be desirable that, in contentions of this character, the powers
should resort to arbitration," it was not found possible to render
this resort an obligation.

It is necessary to state, however, that while unanimity upon
this proposal was not obtainable, — even for a convention that
omitted all questions affecting "the vital interests, independence,
or honor" of the contestants and included only a meager list of
mainly unimportant subjects, — thirty-two powers voted in favor
of it, only nine were opposed, and three abstained from voting.
As practical unanimity was held to be necessary for the inclusion
of a convention in the final act, even this very moderate attempt
at obligatory arbitration was unfruitful. Still, as this strong man-
ifestation of a disposition to make a definite engagement could not
conveniently be nullified without being in some measure recog-
nized, it was resolved, with four abstentions, that the first com-
mission was:

"Unanimous (i) in recognizing the principle of obligatory
arbitration ; and (2) in declaring that certain differences, notably
those relative to the interpretation and application of conventional
stipulations, are susceptible of being submitted to obligatory arbi-
tration without restriction."

Regarding this resolution as a retreat from the more ad-
vanced position that had been taken by thirty-two powers, the
head of the American delegation clearly explained its attitude and
refrained from voting.

It must, in justice, be added that some of the powers voting
against an obligatory arbitration convention probably did so
chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the isolation of others, and
that some of the powers most earnest in opposing the project not
only have negotiated special treaties of obligatory arbitration, but
declare their intention of negotiating many more. The state of

the . iiicn, : ." t the principle of obiigltory

arb: u '•crui: . ihirty-iwu powers are pr^

pared lo nuike v ^tiin all the rest, nine prefer

to make tl.cm 01/ .* v. responsibility tiiey can

rely» and ti.rce decline at present to commit themselves.

The second convention relates to the limitation of the emplojr-
ment of force for Uie collection of contractual debts. The form
which this American proposition finally took is sufficiently shown
by citing the text of its first article:

The contracting powers are agreed not to have recourse to
armed force for tlie recovery of contractual debts claimed of the
government of one country by the government of anotlier country
as due to its nationals.

Nevertheless, tliat agreement will not be valid when the
debtor state refuses or leaves witliout reply an offer of arbitration,
or, in case of acceptance, renders impossible the conclusion of a
protocol, or, after arbitration, fails to comply with the judgment
rendered.

It is also provided that the judgment shall determine the
question whether or not the claim is well founded, the amount of
the debt, and the time and mode of payment

It is hardly necessary to point out that this convention is not
only a very substantial gain in tlie process of substituting justice
for force in international dealings, but demonstrates a spirit of
cor.ciliation and regard for equity in the treatment of the weak by
the strong that promises well for the future. Its deep significance
for tlie financial credit and the political security of the smaller
states, especially on the American continents, does not require
emphasis. Although accompanied with several reserves by cer-
tain states which hold that force should in no case be employed
for the collection of debts based on contract, and the abstention
of six of the smaller European states, the proposition was adopted
by the Conference by thirty-nine votes with five abstentions.

Tlic third, fourth, and fifth conventions relate to the open-
\n<x of hostilities, the laws and customs of war on land, and the
rij;hts and duties of neutral powers. The provisions are, in gen-
eral, in the interest of humanity, and a wider recognition of the
world's brotherhood. Tlie sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth con-
ventions relate to the prosecution of naval warfare.

The acceptance of the American proposition for the im-
munity of private property of belligerents at sea, — which re-
ceived twenty-one favorable votes in the Fourth CommttskNi
against eleven, and one abstention, — would, no doubt, have radi-

mSij affected the substance of this group of conventions; but,
being opposed by several of the most important naval powers, u
was impossible to obtain for it the necessary support.

As several of these conventions rest upon no general princi-
ple whatever, but consist merely of concessions based upon the
maritime interests of the powers, no attempt will be made to
explain them here ; for, in order to comprehend them, it is nec-
essary to refer to the text of articles as interpreted by the proccs-
vcrbaux of the Conference. The sixth and seventh conventions
the American delegation did not sign, partly because they seem
to be more oppressive to the rights of private property than the
present customary law of nations, and partly because they ap-
pear to affect the rights of self-defense, which the United States,
as a peaceful nation, has always maintained as correlative to cus-
toms of naval warfare which have not yet been abolished. If,
on the other hand, the restrictions upon submarine mines do not
seem to humanitarians as radical as they would desire it, it must
be remembered that nations with long and distant coast-lines ex-
posed to the attacks of powerful navies cannot safely forego the
right of self-protection even at considerable risk to peaceful com-
merce. As respects the bombardment of unfortified places by naval
forces, the ninth convention prohibits such forms of attack, ex-
cept when they contain military material for which surrender has
been demanded and refused.

The tenth convention applies the principles of the revised
Geneva convention to maritime warfare. The eleventh exempts
from capture all postal correspondence, official or private, found
at sea on any vessel, neutral or belligerent, as well as the boats
of fishermen. The twelfth establishes an International Prize
Q)urt, to which appeal may be made from the decision of a bel-
ligerant prize court, under certain conditions, either by a neutral
power, a neutral private person, or even a private individual be-
longing to a belligerent power, if the decision of the national
tribunal concerns merchandise carried by a neutral ship. The
tliirtcenth convention presents a code of thirty-three articles con-
cerning the rights and duties of neutral powers in case of mari-
time war. It has not been signed by the American plenipotenti-
aries, for the reason that it imposes upon neutrals obligations
which it might be impracticable for them to discharge.

Such are the conventional engagements which the Second
Peace Conference at The Hague has proposed to the nations. In
addition, it has adopted by twenty -eight votes to eight, with seven
abstentions, a declaration prohibiting the tlirowing of projectiles

anf ( xpkwvet from bjlloom. la a rraoiiition MCii^ ttet it
t> 1 nly desirable" to tee the govemmeiits take np the ecriodi
Ht : timied increase o^ miliury chargea, it haa merely

at irom thediicustion of aqoettioQ which it would

be powerless to settle, and has thrown Uie responsibility for ex-
^,,>i. ,;,.., M ••rv.n the se|>arate governments. As no one of them
lite proposition to diminish its military ttreiM;th»
II uiiiicuii to see how the Conference} could take any otherthaa
tin . purely advisory attitude.

1! !r r- • tin the I'oeux. These unfulfilled aspirations are
oi i\ < t.^ hat the Conference has had hopes that it could
ntt realize. Foremost among them is the proposed adoption of
tin elaborate project for the establishment of a Court of Arbitral
J 11 t ice. not to supersede but to supplement the present Tribunal
oi Art^it ration. Originally suggested in the instructions of the
American delegation, its present fonn is due to the collaboratioo
of t'i M u'ates of the United States, Great Britain, and Ger-
111. ius ii i> appended textually to the final act, and requires for
completion nothing but an agreement for the choice of judges.
The serious labor expended upon it is not lost, though its fruits
siay be late in maturing. It only remains for the powers to take
up the project at the proper time through diplomatic channels*
and thus carry to completion a great international institution.

Tlie second yoeu invites the competent authorities, in case
of war, to consider it a special duty to assure and protect pacific
relations between the populations of belligerent states and neutral
countries. The third proposes that the situation of strangers
established in the territory of the powers with regard to military
burdens be made the subject of special conventions. The fourth
urges the elaboration of a code regarding the laws and customs
of naval warfare by the next Conference. Finally, the Third Peace
Conference at The Hague is foreshadowed in the recommenda-
tion that, after an interval similar to that which has elapsed be-
tween the preceding and the recent meeting, a date be fixed for
another by common agreement between the powers, that a suffi-
cient notice be given in advance, and that two years before it is
convened a special committee shall prepare its program, and be
.charged with the proposal of its mode of organizatioa and
procedure.

Until that time the promotion of the peace and good under-
standing of the nations will probably be left to the methods of di|>.
I I .icy. If the task remains difficult and delicate, it should cer-
tainly be less so than it was before the Second Peace Cooferenoe

convened ; but the experience of that assembly has made it more
clearly evident that, as the work of schools and churches does not
consist chiefly in educational and ecclesiastical congresses but in
the steady, careful, and faithful performance of duty by the rank
and file of the teachers and the clergy, so international confer-
ences in the interest of peace and justice owe their fruits mainly
to the care, the fidelity, and the con?pctency of statesmen and dip-
lomatists who maintain the daily relations between sovereign
states. That this is, in truth, a serious business, affecting the wel-
fare of all mankind, is becoming more evident as the interests of
great nations are more and more closely intertwined by the growth
of individual and commercial intercourse. Without the previous
preparation for the recent Conference by the action of the eminent
Secretary of State of the United States, and the ripe experience
and high prestige of the ambassadors whom the President sent to
The Hague to head the American delegation, it would have been
difficult to hold the place there which that dele.c:ation has held. If
the results of the Conference do not seem brilliant, it is not be-
cause noble ideals were not held steadily aloft, but because it is
the function of an international conference simply to register the
general average of progress that has been attained. However this
may be estimated, it represents the materials with which the diplo-
macy of the future has to deal.

THE RESULTS OF THE SECOND
HAGUE CONFERENCE

By baron d'ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT

Seprinted by pennUsion from Tbb Ixdbpbnoeivt. November 21. 1907

During the first two months of the Conference I was contin-
ually saying and writing that it would be a great deception, that
it would consecrate the largest portion of its time to the ameliora-
tion rather than to the prevention of war. In this way I tried to
recall to tlie Conference the requirements of public opinion ; it was
my duty and it was in the interest of our work. Tlie Conference
had, in fact, begun with the discussion of things relatively second-
ary, in accordance with the instructions the delegates had received
frcm their governments. But, later on, during the laFt two months,
it awoke, emancipated itself, was in every respect wortliy of admi-

r r u )n_this justice I am bound to render to it Gradiully its am-
i I xi was arou&cd, and at length it devoted its energies spooiA-
H us\y to the second part of it& task, that is to say, to the prtnd-
{ I r ;:ram, which it had not anticipated and whidi it was now
< i . to improvise in it* conscience. In order to arrive at liiis
stage It was nccessarv should become, in some lort, a new

ossenibly, a more inci i assembly, a true moral person, liv-

ing: r<^< cnly by viitue ot tiic orders wiiic.i carh delegate received
frcm Lis distant government, but also liv.nj its own proper life;
it ^^2S nccesfary tlxt it should become net scldy an assembly of
ofTicial representatives from all the states, tut the collective repre-
scntaticn of hun:arity.

I cannot in a few lines explain this important phenomenon. I
have spoken elsewhere of the potent and benevolent action exer-
cised by M. Leon Bourgeois. I shall have somctliing more to say
of it. but today I can only direct attention to the fact that certain
functionaries, certain ambassadors who had attained the summit
of fhcir career, found at The Hague an opportunity of rising still
1 . ! cr and of bettering and improving cnc another by the most
j;encrous and fruitful of rivalries. And for this very reason, after
four months of intense and often excessive and ungrateful labor,
all tl c (!c!rj:ates separated with a mixture of joy and sorrow, glad
to Ic frtc to see again their country and their homes, but deeply
affected I y the thought that they were Icavirg a field of new act!o.i
in which the seed had been so well sown. Tne seed, it is true, is
still underground, to the great sctisfacticn of the skeptics, but it
will perminate even quicker still than that which was a subject of
such n ockery in 1899, and which did not at that time appear to
have a better chance of successful growth.

The general deception of publ'c opinion is explained by two mo-
tives, both to the honor of the G>nfcrence.

First, it was not able to discuss t!ie limitation of armaments.
This question was not. in fact, on its nrograti. The Conference
rould net sttidy it. and no i'^temationpl assembly will ever be able
to study it urtil it is the rhiect of pflim'pprv and national study
■ the countries interested. A national studv firft. an interra-
I discussion ?ft'rv ard. I have never cers'*d for a moment to
• en this, and nctatly in my rrprrt to the Interrarliamentary
.:crrnce of London in 1906. If the Conference had gone bcs
yond this natural or'ler it would have 'Dnic to nct*'ine : it there-
fore did well to recall to governments their duty and then pass on
to other nuestions.

I will add that, whatever may be said to the contrary, the di»-

on this question of limitation has not been useless, and, a
far as I am concerned, my conscience is tranquil on this subjec
ior the more it is discussed, as long as it is declared that arbitrn
lion must first be organized, the more must the cause of intcrn;i
tional justice be necessarily served ; it is a means of emphasizin
more strongly the urgency of this organization. If the Confer
cnce had not been obliged to put aside the limitation of armaments
it would have been less energetic, perhaps, in seeking a compen-
sation in the study of arbitration.

Secondly, the Conference lasted four months, and yet the ri
suits it has achieved have been hardly apparent. That is its great
est merit. An assembly representing the world must surely be
congratulated on having preferred the ungrateful preparation of
durable solutions to delusive immediate solutions. Who is there,
then, that can believe this labor of four months to be lost labor?
The Conference has preferred the satisfaction of duty accom-
plished to the eulogies of the press, always on the lookout for sen-
sational news, and, in the present case, disappointed. Its confi-
dence in the future was so well assured that it did not fear to dic-
tate to the governments themselves the line of conduct they should
have to follow. Enlightened by the difficulties of its own task, it
bas given them its experience as an example. It declared by a
solemn decision that it limited its role to an action purely transi-
tory, and that a Third Conference was necessary, and that after
the Third Conference many others should ensue. Thus, of its own
volition, it transformed its exceptional reunion into a simple ses-
sion — the normal, regular, automatic session of a Parliament of
Humanity. It did not fear to add to this declaration a recommen-
dation not less essential — it demanded that the next session should
be prepared at least two years in advance.

Is not this a brilliant testimony of confidence? A step for-
ward on the road of universal progress?

How is it possible, moreover, not to admire, as a true revela-
tion, the fact that three hundred delegates from all the states of
the world have been able to discuss during four months the grav-
est, the most delicate questions, questions which no one ventures
to touch upon even in a national assembly, and which for this
reason were absolutely new ? Yet they discussed them in all their
details, discussed them thoroughly, with all the vivacity, all the
passion, which such subiects entailed, but, nevertheless, without at
any time the slightest disorder, the slightest difficulty arising dur-
ing the discussion. What a clinching argument this is to the ob-
jections of those so-called statesmen who claim that the greatest

lDtercst> oi Uic world arc exactly thoAc whidi must lie iiiOM care-

iolly excluded from public discusstoo I

But, outside the great moral and preparatory retulta of the
Second Conference of The Hague, I could cite a very lam «■»-
her of immediate^ results that are appreciable. Among the fonrtecB

(1 Hnally signed will be found very mt-
i t^ to render war at once rarer and mora
(iiincult. and at the same tune less inhuman. That it toaiethtng,
and I will return to it some other day.

The plan of a court of arbitration was studied at great length
and finally elaborated. In the course of the discussion an entirelj
new principle, that of the moral equality of states, was brought
forward. Now, it must surely be admitted that tliis principle
would of itself have merited the examination of a Peace Confer-
ence. If it has not been entirely resolved, it is. at least, of great
consequence that it has been freely and openly discussed. The
:^ovemments will in their turn have to study it, and as a logical
result, to name the judges of the court. The Conference could
not and ought not to take upon itself the solution of this problem.
It has laid it down in all its terms ; the governments will, in their
ttim, have to take action.

As to obligatory arbitration, is it nothing, then, to have af-
firmed its principle as an incontestable progress discussed only in
'ts application ? And does any one think that this solemn affirma-
lion is to remain negligible in the eyes of the world, and that the
I tTtrent peoples will not have it recorded, so that they may be
; bic to recall it to their governments at the proper moment? And.
besides, as to the question of application itself, thirty-five states
out of forty-four have declared themselves ready to favor a gen-
eral treaty of obligatory arbitration Quite a mechanism of admi-
rable simplification has been provided and accepted which permits
•II the states to be inscribed on a central tableau, and to replace
l>y this simple formality an entire inextricable multitude of
treaties, all dififering from one another. This alone constitutes an
nnovatJon in every way worthy of the twentieth century. Who^

1. will dare to claim that this agreement of the thirty-five lib-

1 states of the world is without importance, on the pretext that

a minority of the Conference refused to accept it, or, at least, to

nfiFrm it by a general convention which tliat minority would aksoe

have refrained from signing?

What does this prove? Simply this fact: The majority ex-
ists ; it reckons more than three- fourths of the states. The minor-
ity took ttpoo itaelf to prevent this agreement, but, tn doing to, it

has emphasized and strengthened it; on the oth^r LaiiJ, it
has laid bare tlie exposition of some states — or, more correctly, of
a single state, Germany-— ^ir a gging along witli it in its resistance a
great power, Austria, with lurkey, Roumania, Greece, Bulgaria,
Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland.

Yet, and I wish to repeat it, the representative of Germany
was careful to state that he stood apart only with regard to the
application, but that, as to tlie principle, he was a partisan of obli-
gatory arbitration.

Thus the world was divided into two camps of very unequal
importance. Cn cne side was the mass of the states of the world,
great and small, representing progress; on the other, Germany,
representing the opposition, but an opposition already hesitating
and pleaciing e.xtenucting circumstances. If we recall the Ger-
many of 1899 and if we note its progress since that epoch, we
shall not be very much mistaken in predicting that, between now
and the Third Conference, its progress will be even still more
rapid and remarkahle. Certainly, Germany has advanced very far
from her position in 1899; she is still backward in relation to the
other Powers, but she will soon wish to catch up with the ma-
jority. This will be the result of the Conference of 1907, and
particularly the work of the majority, which wi.l have determined
the general progress. But for it wc should be absorbed in the pla-
tonic adoration of the memories of 1859. Today we have t' ir^^y-
five states out of forty-four demanding the convention of obliga-
tory arbitration which we have drawn up and voted, and which
we have only to sign. Even that is something, is it not?

Tlie Americans, in that fine and peaceful discussion of several
months, have been splendid, and the youngest of all was certainly
my eminent friend, Mr. Choate, who defended, witli all the force
of his authority and talent, the work of the majority against the
criticisms of Daron Marschall. He lost his case, say the ignorant,
since the opposition triumphed. Not so ; he won it, since he re-
duced the opposition to its simplest expression, ret to say to a
simple question of ciphers. "We are thirty-five," he said, "and
you? I could count your numbers on a sinq^le hand." These
words told and will remain. Humanity will not let itself be
stopped by a minority of a few votes ; or, rather, the minority will
be converted.

General Porter, as a faithful soldier, has fought valiantly
also: "I have enlisted for the war." said he, "and I will go on
«ven to the end.** He had the satisfaction of obtaininir an almost
unanimous vote from the Conference and of preventing govern-

nents from htving reooaree henceforth to force for the r ecovery
of debts from a state. It is a result tliat rcHccts much honor oo
the United States and that must give satisfaction to everybody.

1 sliould have liked to say something of the services of Mr.

Scott, Mr. Hill, Mr. Buchanan. Mr. Uutler, and also of the able

»resentatives of the other republics of America — Mexico, Brazil,

Vru, Chile, Argentina, etc., but time does not permit it. 1 must

fccntent myself with declaring that America, as I have been con-

mtly predicting for many years, has, beyond any doubt, saved

G)nfcrcnce. But for America tlie Conference was lost, cut in

ro, or, rather, would never liavc existed.

Tlianks to America, a very important article was voted : Ar-
Hcle 48, which authorizes governments, in case of disputes, to ad-
dress the bureau of The Hague directly and demand or propose
arbitration. This mechanism has not been even noticed by the
press, and yet it will be amply sufficient to put all the resources of
arbitration in motion. Previously, when two states had a ground
of quarrel, they were obliged to agree together to submit the ques-
tion to arbitration. And such an agreement between two govern-
ments whose relations have become envenomed is almost impos-
sible. Today it is in the power of one of them to make its offer
openly, and thus force the second state to accept or decline that
offer in presence of public opinion. It is a very great progress,
although it may appear almost imperceptible, and henceforth a
state that sincerely wishes to avoid war can reply to its aggressor :
*/ appeal to the judges of The HagueT

Do you believe that the aggressor will be able to answer, "I
care nothing for justice," without raising against him the entire
public opinion of the world?

To conclude with a brief summary, the Second Conference of
The Hague lasted four months, not because it did not effect any-
tiiing. but because it found nn immense field of labor before it. It
has been a simple session between the First and Third Confer-
ences, and it is the very modestv of its role that in mv eyes con-
stitutes the ^andeur of its work. It has been onlv the continu-
ation of the First Conference and the preparation for the Third.
It h?s. in fine, demonstrate the possibility of cre:*tine a univr^al
Parliament by its own life and by the very length and regularity
of its action.

Paris, Franci.

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION FOR THE
AMERICAN BRANCH OF THE
ASSOCIATON FOR INTERNA-
TIONAL CONCILIATION

Ltman Aibott, Nbw Yoik.

( :u FtANcit Adams, Boston.

1 : V A. Alderman. Ciiari.ottcsviuj'., Va.

c . ,i.E» H. Amu, Boston, Mass.

Ru iiAKD Bastholot, M. C, St. Louis, Ifa

Cli>ton R. Brbckenriocb, Arkansas^

'WiixiAM J. Bryan, Lincoln. Neb.

T. E. Burton, M. C, Cleveland, Onio.

Nicholas Murray Butler, New York.

Andrew Carnegie, New Yobk.

Edward Cary, New York.

JosEFK H. Croats, New York,
[ichard H. Dana, Boston, Mass.
Arthur H. Dasher, Macon Ga.
Horace E. Deminc, New York.
Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mam.

ioHN W. Fostbb, Washington, D. C.
:icHARo Watson Gilder, New York.
ioHN Arthur Greene, New Y< rk.
AMES M. Greenwood, Kansas City, lio.
'^BANKLiN H. Mead, Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pic
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HOUGHTELING, CHICAGO, ILL.
foRRis K. jESur, New York.
David Starr Jordan, Stanford UNivBBstrv, Gbi»
Edmond Kelly, Paris, France.
AooLrn Lewisohn New York.
Seth Low. New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, New Yobk.
W. H. Mahony, Columbus, Onia
Brander Matthews, New York.
W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal.
George B. McClellan, Mayor or New Yoml
Levi P. Morton. New York.
Silas McRee. Nf'v York.
Simon Nbwcomb. Washington, D. C
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Schbnectaot, N. Y.
Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md.
Tames Ford Rhodes, Boston, Massl
Howard J. Rogers, Albany, N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington, D. C.
T, G. ScHtJRMAN, Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Seligman, New York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III.
William M. Sloane, New York.
Albert K. Smiley. I^ke Mohokk, N. Y.
Tames Sfeyer, New York.
Oscar S. Straus. Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swift. San Francisco, Cmu
George W. Taylor. M. C. Demopolis, Ala.
O. H. Tittman, Washington. D. C.
W. H. Tolman, New York.
Benjamin Trueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck. Paris, France.
William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Ob^
Ahdkbw D. White, Ithaca, N. Y.

jaififiociatton for 3futcrnattonal Conciliation

fkO BATKIA rik ORBiS COyCOMDldM

The Work of the Second Hague Conference

JAMES BROWN SCOTT

DOCUMENT 5. JANUARY 1906

Brmadi of the AaaocUtioa for InteriMtiooal
(ViN«w YorkG^

Documents PnbHshed by the American Branch of the
ciation for International Conciliation

I Results of the National Arbitration and Peace
Congress, by Andrew Carnegie. April 1907

1 Program of the Association for International Conci-
liation, by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant. April 1907

3 A League of Peace (Address delivered at the Univer-
•ity of St. Andrews) by Andrew Carnegie. Novf^mhrr 1907

4 The Results of the Second Hague Coniercnce, by
Baron d'Estournelles de Constant and Hon. David Jarnc Hill.
January 1908

5 The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by
James Brown Scott. January 1908

bxkcutitl committee of thb american brakch

Nicholas Murray Butler
Richard Watson Gilder
Lyman Abbott
Seth Low

Richard Bartroldt
James Speyer
Stephen Henry Olxv
Andrew D. White

Any one of the Documents will be sent post-paid upon
receipt of a request addressed to the American Branch of
the International Conciliation, Post Office Sub-Station 84,
New York, N. Y.

THE WORK
OF THE SECOND HAGUE CONFERENCE

The Second International Peace Conference, like iu predccc»fror

of 1899. endeavored to humanize the hardthtpi necctiarily inctdcni 10

war and to iubftittite (or a resort to arms a paciiic settlement of in*

' Krievances, which, if unsettled, might lead to war or make

ance of pacific relations difficult and problematical Tbe

liercnce of 1907, no more than its immediate preJecessor, tatUfied

leaders of humanitarian thought. War was not aboliihed, nor

peace legislated into existence. Universal disarmament was as
icceptable now as then, and some few nations were still unwilling
bind themselves to refer all international disputes not involving in-

rndcnce. vital interests or national honor, to a court of arbitration.

Deeply interested in the success of these projects, the great public

that their failure necessarily involved the failure of the Confer*

notwithstanding that many wise and humanitarian measures

ling short of the goal were incorporated into the law of nations.

we should not in our disappointment, and perhaps bitterness of
1!, overlook positive and beneficent progress, and if we cculd not

the advanced position outlined by the friends of peace, we should
rertheless rejoice that many a mile-stone has been passed. We
it not forget that an international conference is different from a
rliament; that independent and sovereign nations are not bound by
ijorities. and that positive results are obtained by compromising
m desirable but perhaps less advanced projects. Tbe aim of a con-
mce is to lay down a law for all, not for the many, much less for

few: to establish a law which will be international because it is
:epted and enforced by all nations.

Th« Development of International Law

The work of the Conference concerned the modification of exist*
log international law; international differences of opinion and interpre-
tation were adjusted; doubt gave place to certainty; and. after much
ration and reflection, principles of international law were forti-
odified in part, or wholly discarded. A complete code was not
ibiished — it is doubtful whether custom and u».':ge are ripe for
..Jification — but important topic* of international law were given the
symmetry and precision of m code

It may be maintained that international law is law in the strict
sense of the word, or it may be contended that it lacks an essential
clement of law, because there is no international sheriff; that it is in
ternaticnal morality or ethics; or that finally a law of nations is thi*
occupation of the theorist and the hope of the dreamer. However
opinions may differ as to the nature of international law, there can be
no doubt of the existence of certain rules and regulations which do by
common consent control the conduct of independent nations; nor can
there be any reasonable doubt that enlightened people of all countries
take a deep and abiding interest in international law, and share the
hope of the dreamer, not only that greater precision may be given to
its principles, but that the principles themselves may be developed and
applied with the certainty and precision of a municipal code.

From the cell of the cloister international law passed into the
study of the philosopher, the jurist, and the scholar; from the study it
entered the cabinets of Europe, and for two centuries and more a rec-
ognized system of international law has determined the foreign rela-
tions of nations; from the cabinet to courts of justice, where the rights
of nations as well as individuals have been debated and enforced; and
fmally, from the court-room international law has made its way to tlic
people, who, in last resort, dominate court and cabinet, and enlist in
their service scholar as well as priest.

It was a wise remark of Sir James Mackintosh that constitutions
are not made: they grow; for history demonstrates that unnatural
unions dissolve, that unnatural alliances have little permanency, that
constitutions struck oflF at the heat of a moment in times of excitement
disappear with the causes to which they owe their origin. Constitu-
tions are, in a large and broad sense of the word, codifications. They
put into written and permanent form the usages and customs of the
past, and they last because the spirit underlying these usages an4
customs is wrapped up with the existence and destiny of the people
The Constitution of the United States has lasted, because it wa«
based upon the usages and customs of England, as modified by the
experience in the colonies, and the Constitution will last as long as it
answers the needs of its framers, and no longer. To* understand,
however, the Constitution, English customs and usages must be stud-
ied, and to predict the lines of development we must interpret the
language of the Constitution in the light of its origin, as well as m
the concrete case under investigation. It is the same with law. Law
is not imposed as a system upon the people. Isolated usage develops
into habit; the habit becomes crystalized into custom; and to custom
there is giyen consciously and unconsciovsly the force of law.

The eominon Uw of Eoglifid b not due lo tne witdom oi any one
person or of any one ac<. It grew to meet a need; H chafifcd with
that need, and disappeared when it could no loogtr tabMnrc a UMlttt
(>ur|>o«c. It it a growth, an organism, not a cryftaliimtlon.

When, however, the process of development did net keep abrcMt
of the age, or when new and uniutpected ner'h required tpecial ir^>t.
ment, statutes made their appearance to supply the Uck. or to <
he evil. The statute would be special if a special point were invoiced.
I'hc statute would be general in its terms if the evil to be c ^rrTrtcd
general, or the need for the statute was of a general, v .4

c. The more rapid the development of the ct)untry. r

nd more diversified become the needs of an enterprising and pro-
greft»ive community, and consequently the more frequent would be
and must be the resort to statutory enactments, in order to safeguard
the rights and interests created as the result of changed conditions.
Hence, it follows that a system of law in its early stages springs
tty out of the needs of the people. If the needs be simple. th«
•f which custom is the very life, is simple. It is said to be on-
written in the sense that no custom is at once the law and the evidence,
.ilthough in process of time the customs are naturally reduced to
writing by people learned in customary law, and it is given precision
hy decrees of courts of justice. Complex situations give rise to a
omplex system of law. and the natural development of custom not
'cing sufficient, the legislature steps in by stai'ite to accelerate the
ilcvclopment and to give to the system of law the precision, the
solulity, and the refinement necessary for a complicated and progres-
sive civilization. In this development, then, we have the local usage,
the custom, and the statute.

If we turn from the common law to international law. we find
that the course of development of the common law of nations has
been singularly like that of the common law of England.

We first have the usages of enlightened nations. These usages
spread, gain weight and influence by repeated application. We next
find that the usages have taken on the form of custom, and natioaa
from isolated or frequent usage regard the custom as binding upon
them. That which is claimed as a right on the one side, becomes a
duty on the other, for right and duty are correlative. The demand
in itself is a consent to the rule of law. The yielding to the demand
is an acknowledgment of the rightfulness of the custom.

We thence have customary rules and regulations binding natioaa
In their mutual intercourse, because the nations, either by enforcing
the custom or yielding to the custom sought to be enforce^ kavt

given to the ccsicm the weight of law. But just as the common law
of England grew slowly, indeed imperceptibly, so have the usages
of nations developed slowly and imperceptibly. When nations had
little intercourse with one another, the need for a system of law
regulating such relations was of little moment. As nations liavc
grown, as they have come into closer contact, as no nation lives and
can live in the modern world in a state of isolation, it necessarily
follows that the usages and customs of nations must be developed in
order adequately to meet changed conditions. The independence of
the state is the very postulate of international law; but the solidarity
of interest has made itself felt to such a degree that nations have
yielded and must in the future yield something of their abs(dute
liberty and independence, just as a citizen yields his absolute freedom
for the benefit of society, of which he is a part.

We see, then, from this brief and imperfect sketch of the origin
and nature of the common law of one particular jurisdiction, an
analogy between the common law of nations, namely, the usage and
customs of many nations. We find, or at least we can assume, that
when only one nation existed there could be no international law;
two nations existing would have comparatively little intercourse and
the rules and regulations governing their intercourse would, therefore,
be simple. As the two gave place to the many, and as intercourse
became very frequent, the need of a more elaborate code would be-
come evident. Usage and custom would grow to meet the need, and
in the course of time, insensibly and imperceptibly, usage and custom
would take the dimensions of a code. But while that is entirely true
generally, it is true with much greater force in the present and, indeed,
in the immediate past; for the discovery of the new world. North and
South America, and the contest for the possession of this world; the
establishment of colonies with the various colonial systems, and the
conflicts of interest that necessarily arose, would require a system of
law adequate to settle them; and when nations became more closely
connected, more intimately and frequently involved, it followed that
the simplicity of the earlier usages and customs would either give
place to a more complicated code or would themselves be developed
in order to meet the growing needs.

Congresses and Treaties

Now, how could this be done? In this way. As nations became
more closely united or related, previous usage or custom was found
to be inadequate; but the spirit pervading the usage or custom was
discovered and developed, precisely as Xhe spirit in the common law

was developed in order to meet a changetj comlnion of affairi. JtttC
at in appropriate cates the municipal legi«laturc ttrpped in and cor-
rr. ' .! .M ii -!se or covered a field by statute. con(ercnce« were held
i>rt^%r( M iui( t<i. treaties were negotiated to regulate a tpecific concrete
controversy, and. finally congresses, usually not at the beginning
hut at the end of the controversy, composed of many sutet. because
he interests of many were concerned, were convened in order that
that might remain settled in peace which force had been established
in war. The conference or congress is. it would seem, not far re-
moved from an international legislature, whose acts are submitted
ad referendum to the participating nations.

We therefore find that treaties mark the first general step in the
development of the law of nations at between nations in recent years,
for it is only in the modern world that treaties have gone far to cor-
rect inr ;uality and to establish a system of international relations.
The special or individual treaties will be comparatively titnple in the
principles of law announced or defined— although complicated in
other respects. When the many were involved, a congress or con-
ference came naturally into being, with the result that in this
conference the questions causing the conflict would be contidered and
regulated, in the hope to prevent a recurrence of the conflict The
> onfercnces and congresses were at the conclusion of a dispute. The
.vppeal was indeed to reason, but it was unfortunately belated. Inter-
esting examples of the post-mortem appeal to reason are furnished
by the Treaty of Westphalia (1648). the Congress of Vienna (1814-
15). the Congress of Berlin (1878). The Treaty of Westphalia was
! negotiated by representatives of the states engaged in the Thirty
Years' War and the state of affairs established was hoped to be
lurable.

Passing over the conferences and treaties concluding the wart of
Louis XIV. — of which the various treaties of Utrecht of I7I3-»7I4
were the most important and far reaching in detail as well as in
principle — we come to the Congress of Vienna which attempted, by
a rigid and thorough applicatioit of the principle of legitimacy, to
reconstruct Europe upon permanent lines after the crash of the
French Revolution and the downfall of Napoleon. The great Powen
agreed among themselves and legislated for the rest of Europe. The
work, therefore, was largely political, but as all were concerned all
were present or bonnd by the determinations of the Congress. It
^vas pre-eminently a war conference, but it established peace — a pence
which lasted for many years. At the same time its deliberations took
the form of a general sutute concemtog river navigation, the rank

of ambassador!, and the tlaTe-trade. Criticise the Congress of Vienna
as we may, its work was not only of fundamental importance but
pointed the way to a better and brighter day.

Although it cannot be denied that the Congress of Paris in 1856
was a war conference, its work was not wholly taken up with the
issues of war. The Declaration of Paris, for example, was much more
general and touched interests which, while involved in the conflict
were of wider importance than the immediate interests that led tu
the war or were safeguarded by the conclusion of peace. It is also
true that the Congress of Berlin, in 1878, was a war congress, but it
dealt particularly and largely with the Balkan Peninsula and set up
a state of affairs which, while changed in part, is nevertheless the
basis of order in Eastern Europe.

But alongside of these larger gatherings there were smaller
meetings that have profoundly influenced the future. For example,
an enthusiast in Switzerland interested countries in the treatment of
sick and wounded, and you have the first Geneva Convention of 1864
— the Red Cross Convention, as we call it — to ameliorate the condition
of the sick and wounded upon the field of battle. The convention did
not come at the very end of a war; it was assembled by reason of
Che horrors of the war of 1859, between France and Italy against
Austria. In 1868, the additional articles of the Convention of Geneva
were drawn up in conference, and there was no immediate war that
had caused the conference to assemble. The purport of these articles
was to apply to naval warfare the principles of the Geneva Con-
vention of 1864.

In 1868, the Czar of Russia, Alexander II., called a conference in
order to consider whether or not the means of warfare might not
be humanized; whether the use of certain instruments in warfare, or
instruments of a certain kind, should be prohibited; whether bullets
of a certain weight, of a certain explosive quality, should not be
prohibited, and there was drawn up the Declaration of St. Petersburg.
It is true that the declaration contemplated, but was not preceded by,
a war.

The various congresses and conferences referred to were sum-
moned by the rulers and nations of Europe, and both in their calling
and in their results indicated an advance in public opinion. Public
opinion, however, was not content to entrust itself wholly to nations
and their rulers, but sought expression in individual and co-operative
lines.

In 1873, the Institute of International Law was established at
Brussels, composed of distinguished jurists and authorities on inter-

^Muiionai law. Their pofpo«e wmi not merrly to itttdj tbe proMtflH

^Bpf international law, but to advance the acicnce by aa appeal to rtMoa.

^Pfhcy considered the field of international law from th% ilMidpotot af

^t' theory and sought by example and precept to aid Ibc codiftcatloo al

W a rational tyatem of international law. International law had thus a

■ society whose proceedings should appear annually. It already had

a journal, for in 1869 three enthusiastf, Rolin-Jaequemynt, Asser a«d

\V< tUke. established the RevtM de droit international tt da Ufi»>

Uiiwn compar^e. The Institute met annually and issued its annaal.

The Review discussed scientifically and at length important que%tiuns

of tntcniutional law, and. little by little, the influence of the Inttituta

and the Review extended beyond the Immediate country of publica*

tion and beyond the language in which the proceedings and tha

articles were written. A great movement looking toward advance ia

international lines was begun, and in reality the great call of tha

Czar for the Conference of 1899, the first Hague Conference, waa

simply, paradoxical as it may seem, the substitution of national or

international effort for the individual or socialized effort 01 tbe foaa4-

ers of the Institute of International Law.

Tha Firat Hague Conference

In 189S the Czar Nicholas called the First Peace Conference, de-
signed chiefly, it would seem, to free nations from the burden of the
ronstantly increasing armament — to bring at>out disarmament. Tbe
nrcular astonished the diplomats; it was not favorably received im
many quarters. Thereupon a new circular was prepared enlarging tha
scope, relegating disarmament to a less important position, bot
enlarging the scope of the program, or of the invitation, by includinc
the consideration of various methods by which arbitration might be
advanced and the peaceful solution of international difficulties mada
the rule. This second circular was much better received, and on the
l8th day of May, 1899, the First Peace Conference of this modera
world, without a war as its immediate cause, met at the House ia
the Woods at The Hague, for the purely academic consid'-''a»»o« of
very great and important international questions.

As an understanding of the work of the First Conference la
necessary to an appreciation of the work of the Second Conference,
the results of tbe deliberations of the First Conference are briefly
set forth.

The work, then, of this conference took shape In three great
conventions. The first was the conventioQ for tbe peaceful settle-
ment of international conflicts, which coBWtaiiom Mtahliitied: &rsl«

the right of nations to offer their good offices and mediation without
having the offer or mediation considered as an unfriendly act by
cither or any of the contending parties; second, a commission of
inquiry to ascertain the facts of an international difficulty of great
and serious importance, so that the facts involved might be found
impartially by a commission composed of neutrals as well as nation-
als. We all recall the Dogger Bank incident in Admiral Rojcsvcnsky's
remarkable tour of the world. Japanese vessels were supposed to be
lying in wait in the North Sea. The Russian squadron opened fire.
It is not related that any Japanese vessels were sunk, but certain
English fishing smacks were injured and lives were lost. It is
difficult to appreciate the state of mind of the Russian admiral, b<
cause one would not expect to find Japanese cruisers in the North
Sea, or if one did find such cruisers, the fact of their presence would
be well known. However, the Russian authorities maintained that
they felt the presence of the enemy, whether through a mistake of
signalling or not; fire was opened and lives were lost. Were it not
well established, this would be unbelievable; but it happened. And
the next step was not an unbelievable one — the next step was war.
"Wars have arisen for less cause than that. The national honor of
both countries was involved. Great Britain could not allow its
subjects to be shot with impunity; Russia could not well consent to
discipline its naval authorities without an investigation. Now, an
investigation to be valuable must be impartial, must be conducted
more or less by neutrals, and for the first time the provisions of the
convention for the peaceful solution of international conflicts in the
matter of commissions of inquiry were used. A report was made by
this board finding the attack unjustified, and Russia settled the dam-
ages awarded. Rulers of nations and their responsible governments
often seek to avoid war but are frequently unable to do so. There-
fore, this machinery was a God-send by which a bitter dispute
between two countries concerning a matter of fact might be referred
to an impartial board for examination and report. Without express-
ing any opinion, let me call your attention to the causes, at least to
an incident, if it were not a cause, which preceded the Spanish-Amer-
ican War — the blowing up of the Maine in Havana Harbor. Was it
blown up from within or without? An international board never
considered the question. An American board did consider the ques-
tion. The public passions were inflamed and we rushed headlong
into war. H this international commission had existed at that time,
the President of the United States would have been in an intrenched
position, for he could have insisted that this mattev, l:rJng a question

ct (act. be sabi i eommitsion Already known and rca<!/ imr

constitution ui< of procedure accepted by ctvtlueU i.^uoii^

I cttunot tay that i ^It-American War would not bav* Uk<a

place. I am not a i : r it her as to future events or at Co evean

of the past, but I do maintain that tbote clauses would have mad«
the outbreak of war much more difficult, and that, therefore. tlM
establishment of a commission of inquiry it a great advance (or the
cause of peace.

Third, the convention for the pacific solution of internatiofial

nflicts provided a court of arbitration. Perhaps I would better say,
.rovidcd for a court of international arbitration, because that court
was to be created when the international controversy arose. Each
'Mtion was to select and appoint, and notify to a board created at

'.\e Hague, not more than four persons of good moral character and

mpetent in international law. In case of a conflict each party was
select one or more from this list of judges. The judges were to
elect their umpire, their presiding officer, or the nations were to
provide otherwise for the selection of the umpire. In order that tho
tribunal thus constituted might be of servke and in order that litigants
•night know the exact procedure to be followed before it. an elaborate

stem of procedure was drawn up and approved. Since the meeting
oi the First Hague Conference, four great and important cases have
been submitted to The Hague Tribunal, have been adjudicated and
the judgments cheerfully and promptly accepted by the litigating
nations. Nations appeared before the bar as suitors and resorted
to law instead of force. The court has not, however, been so suc-
cessful as its framers hoped, largely because it is not a court perms-
nently in session composed of judges or jurists acting under a sense
of judkial responsibility. The fear of partiality in a court constituted
by the suitors for a particular purpose, with judges chosen and paid
by the litigants, would seem to account for the partial success, if not
failure, of the institution.

The second great convention of the First Conference was the
convention for the adaptation of the Red Cross to maritime warfare.
That, of course, is a technical subject, but even the layman can see
what a great advance it was to have the humane principles of the
Geneva Convention of 1864 and the additional articles of 1868 applied
to maritime warfare as well as land warfare.

The third great convention was the codification of the laws and
customs of land warfare, which, composed by experts, assumed the
proportions of an elaborate code. While based upon the Laws snd
Customs of War, adopted by the Conference of Brussels (Aagvst 37*

1S74)* the declaration of Brtitsels drew its life and spirit from Dr.
Francis Liebcr's Instructions for the Government of Armies in the
Field, known in army circles as General Orders No. 100 of 1863. The
United States may therefore claim not a little proprietary interest in
the great convention of 1899.

Such is, in brief, the outline of the work of the First Hague Con-
ference. Misunderstood at the time, subjected to ridicule by re-
former as well as reactionary, the Conference is now looked upon at
onct as the starting point and the center of international progress.

Two-Fold Work of the Second Conference

The work of the Second Conference, for which the year 1907 will
be memorable, was two-fold. First, it revised and enlarged the con-
ventions of 1899 in the light of experience, in the light of practice as
well as of theory, and put them forth to the world in a new and
modified form. In the next place the Conference did not limit itself
to these subjects. To the three conventions of 1899, revised in 1907,
were added ten new conventions. This simple statement shows the
enormous field covered and the positive results achieved by the
second conference within the comparatively short period of fot -
months. Tried by the standards of results, the conference clearly jus
tified its existence, but it would have been a success had it demon
strated nothing more than the possibility of the representatives of
forty-four nations to live in peace and quiet during four months. If
it had done nothing more than to bring these representatives into
close contact to learn to understand one another's needs by under-
standing one another, the conference would have been a success.

But we cannot content ourselves with a mere statement of results^
for the conference must rise or fall not by the amount accomplished^
not by the number of conventions negotiated and signed, but by their
value and importance. As the various conventions, declarations, reso-
lutions, and voeux of the conference have been incorporated in tlv
Acte Final and arranged in what seemed to the conference their ordci
of importance, it appears advisable to discuss the various results of
the conference in the order established by the Acte Final. Perhaps a
word of explanation is necessary as to the Acte Final itself. It stat(
the calling of the convention and enumerates the countries and their
delegates taking part in the conference. But the Acte Final is not a
convention; it is rather a solemn statement of what was done, a sum
mary or resume of results indicated by the names and titles of tli<
conventions, to be followed by the text in separate form.

The Preamble of the Acte Final states:

The Second International Confercoea of Piaci^ prepMtd by tlM
Prciidcnt of the United States of America, having been, opon th%
Statci of America/' etc. The Final Act then continues. In a tcriet of
invitation of Hi« Majesty the Emperor of All the Kuisiaa, eoovolced
by Ilcr Majesty the Queen of the Nelherlandf, met, on the fifteenth
day of June, nineteen hundred and seven, at The Hague, in the Hall
of KnightJi, in order to give a further and new dcveh ptr.ent to tho
humanitarian principles which tervcd as a ba^is for the firkt confer*
ence of 1899. The Powers, hereafter enumerated, took part in th«
ronference and designated as their delegates the following: Ger-
luiny (arranged according to the alphabet in French], the United
btatet of America,** etc The Final Act then continues, "In a series of
October, nineteen hundred and seven, in which the delegates havt
constantly been animated by the desire to realize in the largest
measure possible the generous views of the August Initiator of the
' onference and the intentions of their Governments. . . .* The
onference adopted, **to be submitted to the signatures of the plenl-
Jtentiaries, the texts of conventions and of the declaration herein-
after enumerated and annexed to the Present Act/'

An examination of the text of the preamble of the Acte Final
iearly indicates that the conference was called by President Roose-
vclt. It is common knowledge that Russia was not in a position to
I'l the conference during two eventful years. Time was slipping by
nd those who believed in conferences were anxious that a new con-
ference should meet in order to take up the work outlined but left
undone at the first conference. Therefore, President Roosevelt sent
a circular to the various Powers outlining a programme and request-
tig an expression of opinion as to the advisability of such a confer-
nee and assent to participation in it The responses were favorable
ind it seemed not unlikely that the conference would meet under the
af 1 i.-es of President Roosevelt. However, a representative of Ru«sta
w d upon the President and requested that the initiative be trans-
f« I from the United States to the Czar, inasmuch as the Czar had
ci.iril into being not merely the first conference but the idea of the
conference. With that chivalry which is characteristic of the Presi-
dent, he immediately yielded the initiative to the Emperor of Russia,
the "August Initiator," as he is called, and the conference was con-
voked by the Queen of Holland upon the invitation of the Czar. The
United States was however, unwilling that only a part of the world
should be represented. Appropriate steps were therefore taken for
the admi«S'on of Latin America, and assent was obtained by diplo-
matic correspondence. Two of the three conventions of 1899 were

open, that is to say, the non-signatory states were invited to sign, and
upon signing, to assume the obligations and benefits under the con-
ventions. The convention for the peaceful regulation of interna-
tional conflicts was a closed convention and the assent of the Powers
was necessary in order that the Latin American States might be
permitted to sign. The reason for this was that while the Powers
represented at the first conference were willing to arbitrate and to
enter into certain relations with the states represented at the first
conference, they were unwilling to contract generally. As one of the
delegates said at the second convention, he was unwilling to open
his door to any newcomer who chose to knock. No objection was
made, however, to the adhesion of the Latin-American States, and on
the 14th day of June, 1907, consent to their adhesion was formally
given.

In all, forty-four states were represented at the conference and
forty-four states answered the roll-call. Two states of Latin-America
were not represented, Costa Rica and Honduras. The former ap-
proved of the conference and adhered to the conventions, but was not
represented. The absence of Honduras was explained by the recent
revolution, which paralyzed its efforts. The restoration of peace led
to an application to be admitted and the application was favorably
acted upon. Delegates were appointed but they did not arrive in time
to participate in the work of the conference.

The Flrtt Convention

Following, then, the order of the Acte Final, the first is the con-
vention for the pacific solution of international conflicts, the nature
of which has been sufficiently explained.

It should be said, however, that the commission of inquiry was
much enlarged in the light of the experience — experience gained in
the Dogger Bank incident, previously referred to. The language
of the convention was carefully revised, provisions were given greater
clearness, and a few sections added on summary procedure. The
great frame-work of 1899 was untouched; for the additions of 1907
do not change the nature of the structure, although the architects of
1907 would doubtless pronounce the additions to be undoubted im-
provements.

The Second Convention

The second is the convention restricting the use of force for the
recovery of contract debts. This was introduced by the American
Delegation, loyally and devotedly seconded by Dr. Drago, who has

battled for the doctrine to which he hat given hit name. Wlthoot
the Mtpport of Dr. Drago. it it doubtful if Latin America — for wbOM
briicnt It waa introduced — would have voted (or this i/try important
doctrine. Tl)e proposition it \ery short: it contiit* of but Ihret
articles, but we mutt not measure things by their iizc In full it it
aa follows:

"In order to avoid between nations armed conflict- ot « purely
pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed from tlia
government of one country by the government of another country
to be due to its nationals, the contracting Powers agree not to havn
recourse to armed force for the collection of such contractual debts.

"However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when tlia
debtor State refuses or leaves unanswered an oflfcr to arbitrate, or,
in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to formulate the terms of
submission, or after arbitration, fails to comply with the award
rendered.

"It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated shall bt
in conformity, as to procedure, with Title IV., Chapter HI. of the
Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes
adopted at The Hague, and that it shall determine, in so far as there
shall be no agreement between the parties, the justice and the amount
of the debt, the time and mode of payment thereof."

In commenting upon the convention. President Roosevelt wisely
and truly said that "such a provision would have prevented much
injustice and extortion in the past." It is emphatically a peace-
measure, for the creditor renounces force and binds himself to submit
his claim to arbitration. Pressure is thus brought upon the debtor
to accept arbitration or take the consequences of a refusal. It should
not be overlooked that these three paragraphs will banish foreign
fleets from American waters, and American ports are not likely again
to be blockaded, as in the past, for the collection of contract debts
due from one government to citizens of the blockading nation. The
Monroe Doctrine has made its first and formal entry into the public
law of Europe as well as America.

The Third Convention

The third' convention relates to the opening of hostilities and
provides, in Article I., that the Contracting Powers recognize that
hostilities between them should not commence without notice, which
shall be either in the form of a formal declaration of war or of an
ultimatum in the nature of a declaration of conditional war. This
ia to protect belligerenu from surprise and bad faith. Article IL ia

neant to safeguard the rights of neutrals. The state of war skovU
be notified without delay to neutral Powers, and shall c>nly aiTect
them after the receipt of a notification, which may be sent even br
telegram. However, neutral Powers cannot invoke the benefit of the
absence of notification if it is established that the neutral Powers
know that war actually exists. Those two articles mean that while
the nations should declare war before engaging in hostilities, although
they may perhaps rush into war without notification, neutrals arc not
to be subjected to the burdens of war until they have been fully noti-
fied and are, therefore, able to take the proper steps and measures lo
preserve their interests.

The Fourth Convention

The fourth convention concerns the Laws and Customs of I^nd
Warfare. This has been previously stated to be a revision of the
convention of 1899. It is highly technical and codifies in a humani-
tarian spirit the warfare of the present.

The Fifth Convention

The fifth convention attempts to regulate the rights and duties
of neutral powers and of neutral persons in case of land warfare.
Short, but important, its guiding spirit is expressed in the opening
paragraph of tne preamble, namely, to render more certain the rights
and duties of neutral powers in case of warfare upon land and t«
regulate the situation of belligerent refugees in neutral territory
Tlte framcrs of the convention felt that it was but a fragment, but
would at least define neutrality until it might be possible to regulate
as a whole the situation of neutrals in their relation to belligerents.
The nature of the convention is thus evident Its further defioitioa
would involve us in technical details.

The Sixth Convention

The sixth is the convention concerning enemy merchant ships
found in enemy ports or upon the high seas at the outbreak of hos-
tilities. Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels within the port
of the enemy on the outbreak of hostilities and allows them a limited
tiiTje to discharge or load their cargo and depart for their port of
destination. The attempt was made to establish this custom or
privilege as a right. The proposition, however, met with serious
opposition and, instead of the right, the convention states that it is
desirable that enemy ships be permitted freely to leave the port. The
convenfton. t'lcrefore, was restrictive rather than declaratory of exist-
ing international practice. The same might be said ol another provisioa

oi the eoaveatiofi coneeniinff the irealment of enemy Mcrdttiit thips
•pon the high teas. It may be uid that the expre«Uoo of a 4tair«
U (antamouat to a poftitive declaratkNi, bat. ttrictly conitmedL llM
coiuciKiua is not progrcttive. It leiaeiw Hshta acquired by caeCofli
and usage, although it doei, indeed, render the priviles* grtalti
univcraal The American delegation, therefore, refrained from aiffS-
inc the convention

The Seventh Convention

The aevcnth convention dealt with the trantformilion of
chant ihipa into ships of war. and it must be said that the poeithm

(Suits of this convention are of little or no practical value. Tbn
irning question was whether merchant ships might be transformed

ito men-of-war upon the high seas. As the transformation of mcr-
diant vessels into war vessels upon the high seas caused an inter>
national commotion during the recent Russo-Japanese War. Great

Iritain and the United States insisted that the transfer should only
allowed within the territorial jurisdiction of the transforming
'power. Some of the continental states, on the contrary, refused to
renounce the exercise of the alleged right The great maritime sUtcs
were thus divided and as the question was too simple and too pUta
to admit of compromise, it was agreed to drop it entirely for Uw
! resent. In order, however, that something might remain of the

.ireful and elaborate discussions of the subject, a series jf regulations

■vas drawn up regarding the transformation of merchant ships into
vessels of war. declaratory of international custom. For example:
The vessel transformed should be placed under the direct and imme-
diate control and responsibility of the power whose flag it bore; that
the vessel must bear the outward signs of a man-of-war; that the
commander should be in the service of the state and duly commis-
sioned; that his name should appear upon the list of oflficers of the
navy; that the crew should be submitted to military discipline; that
the vessel in its operations should conform itself to the custonu of
war; and that the transforming nation should notify, as soon as possi-
ble, the transformation of the merchant vessel. It will be seen that
all references to the place of transformation was thus carefully elim-
inated and a series of unobjectionable and unquestionable
declaratory of the international custom and practice was
Indirectly, the rightfulness or wrongfulness of privateering wms
cerned. and inasmuch as the United States would not consent to
abolish privateering unless the immunity of prfrate property be safe-
gnarded. the American delegation abstained from signing the

The Eighth Convention

The eighth convention relates to the placing of submarine auto-
matic mines of contact, a subject of present interest in which buili
belligerents and neutrals are deeply concerned. The interest of tl.
belligereitis is special; the interest of the neutral is very general.
Warfare permits belligerents to attack and to destroy each other in
order to bring about a state of calm and repose which we call pcac
but the action of the belligerent should be confined to the belligerent ^
themselves. Neutrals should be, as far as possible, unaffected. Mines
break from their moorings and endanger neutral life and property.
The Conference, therefore, desires to regulate the use of mines in
such a way as not to deprive the belligerents of a recognized and
legitimate means of warfare, but to restrict, as far as possible, the
damage to the immediate belligerents. The following articles were
therefore agreed to:

"Article i. It is forbidden: i. to use unanchored automatic con-
tact mines, unless they are so constructed as to become innocuous
at the latest one hour after control over them has been lost; 2. to
place anchored automatic contact mines which do not become innoc-
uous on carrying away their moorings; 3. to use torpedoes which do
not become innocuous when they have missed their target.

"Article 2. It is forbidden to place automatic contact mines in
front of the coasts and ports of the adversary with the sole object of
intercepting commercial navigation.

"Article 3. When anchored automatic contact mines are used,
all possible precautions should be taken for the safety of public
navigation.

**The belligerents engage, as far as possible, to provide that these
mines shall become innocuous after a limited period of time, and in
case they cease to be guarded, to give notice of the dangerous
localities, as soon as military exigencies permit, by a notice to ship-
ping which will also be communicated to the governments through
diplomatic channels.

"Article 4. Any neutral power which places automatic contact
mines in front of its coasts, must observe the same rules and take
the same precautions as those which are imposed upon belligerents.

"The neutral powers must make known to shipping, by previous
notice, the regions where automatic contact mines are to be moored.
This notice must be communicated speedily, as urgent, to the gov-
ernments through diplomatic channels.

"Article 5. At the close of the war, the contracting powers engage
to do everything in their power to remove, each for himself, the mines
which it has placed.

**As to anchored aaiomatic contact minci which one of tht
crcntt has placed along the coaa(!» o( the other, their Mtiaatioa
ke indicated by the power that ha« placed them tu the other pATty 9*4
#tch power shall proceed in the ahortest poaaible time to nmoK
Hm mines which are found in its waters.

**Article 6. The signatory states which are not yci provided
with improved mines, such as are required by this regubiion, and
which consequently cannot actually conform to the rules establtsb«d
by articles i and 3. agree to transform, as soon a« possible,
mines, so as to comply with the prescriptions n^ al

''Article 7. The stipulations of the present t , n

eluded for the duration of seven years or until the end of the Third
Peace Conference, if this date is prior.

*The contracting powers engage to consider again the questioa
of the use of submarine automatic contact mines six months befoc*
the expiration of the period of the seven years, in case it has not
been again taken up and decided by the Third Conference of Peac«
at a previous date.

**In the absence of the stipulations of a new Convention, the
present regulation shall continue in force, unless this Convention is
denounced. The denunciation shall not take effect (with regard to the
■otifying power) until six months after the notification.'*

It was sought, notably by Great Britain, to prevent any natioa
from placing submarine mines beyond its territorial waters, namely,
the three-mile limit. It was objected to this that while the offensive
use of mines might be limited, it was inadvisable, perhaps unreason*
able, at the present time to limit the defensive use of mines. In one
case the mines would be used as a means of attack; in the second
place as a defense against aggression. The latter view commcadad
> Itself to the Conference, and, after much discussion, it was a gr e e d
aot to introduce into the convention any provision on the iobject.

The Ninth Convention

The ninth convention forbade the bombardment by naval forcea
of undefended harbors, villages, towns, or buildings. The presence^
however, of military stores would permit bombardment of such
ports for the sole purpose of destroying ihc t lores, provided they
were not destroyed or delivered up upon request. Nodce^ however,
should be given of the intention to bombard. In like auumer, the
V onvention permitted the bombardment of soch undefended placca
if provisi'MS were not supplied upon requisition to the naval force.
Bombardment, however, was not allowed for the coUcctioa of

money contributions. It should be said that unoflfending property wa»
sot to be bombarded or destroyed, and buildings and institutions de-
'voted to a religious, scientific or charitable purpose were expressly
excluded from attack.

This convention will undoubtedly subserve a useful purpose and
clear up a doubt which seems to have existed. The weight of opinion
forbade the bombardment of undefended ports. The fear, however^
that such ports might be attacked and held in order to enforce sub-
Biission, rendered a convention on this subject, even although declara-
tory of international usage and custom, of no little moment. Wc all
remember the Spanish-American war and the constant fear, however
vnfounded, that the Atlantic Coast might be bombarded by the Span-
ish fleet

The Tenth Convention

The tenth convention adapted the principles of the Geneva con-
vention of 1906 to maritime warfare. It is not necessary to describe
this admirable document in detail. We are familiar with! the Red
Cross and its work, and there exists absolute unanimity of opinion
that the sick and wounded upon the battlefield or upon the high seas
should be cared for irrespective of nationality. Humanity demand
it and this demand has been carefully complied with. A word ci
history may, however, be permitted. The first Geneva convention,
dealing with land warfare, was drawn up in 1864- The additional
articles of 1868 extending the principles of land warfare to naval war-
fare, failed of adoption. In 1899 the additional articles were made
the basis of a convention dealing with this question adopted at the
First Hague Convention. Warfare, however, had changed since 1864
and it was felt that the provisions of the Geneva Convention of 1864
should keep pace with the changed conditions, so in 1906 the Geneva
Convention of 1864 was revised and the present Conference adapted
the provisions of this revised convention of 1906 to naval warfare
It is not necessary to enlarge upon the importance of this convention
We understand it and are proud of the progress it marks, in succoring
the sick and the wounded and mitigating in their extreme rigor the
erils necessarily incident to war.

The Eleventh Convention
The eleventh convention relates to certain restrictions in the
•xercise of the right of capture in maritime war. It is a modest
doctiment, but is all that was saved from the wreck of the immunity
of private property. The Americart delegation urged the abolition
of the right of capture of unoffending enemy private property upon

tbe high icat, bat great maniimc povem cnch m Graat
France. Rutsta and Japan were unwilling lu rclmquuh ihk wmUKB of
bringing the enemy to terma. A conventioa ocgotklsd by Povcn
baving no great maritime interest might be a mofil vktory; it
would not be of practical importance except at embodying in conveo-
tiooal form the advanced and radical views of thia aobject. But to re-
tnm to the present convention. Chapter i deals with mail ship* and
grants immunity to the ship itself and the mail upon it if not directed
to or coming from a blockaded port Chapter 2 frees from captnro
ftshing smacks devoted solely to costal fithing and small vetselt
engaged in local navigation. It is pleasing to note that the Coe-
fcrence made the basis of its action the decision of the Supr<>me
Court of the United States in the well-known case of The Paquette
Havana, 1899, 175 U. S. 677. Chapter 3 regulated the legal condition
of the crew of an enemy merchant vessel by providing that subjects
of neutral states were exempt from capture and that subjects of
the enemy state were likewise exempt from capture, provided they
gave an oath not to serve during the continuance of the war. These
provisions are indeed modest when we consider the vast subject in-
volved. They are, however, humanitarian, and therefore to be
commended.

The Twefftfi Convention

The twelfth convention sought to establish an international court
of prize, and there only remains the ratification of this convention by
the contracting powers in order to call into being this great and
beneF.cent institution. For years, enlightened opinion has protested
against the right of belligerents to pass judgment upon the lawfulness
of the capture of neutral property, and it is a pleavure to be able to
state that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral prize are hence-
forward to be placed in the hands of neutral judges with a represen-
Ution of the belligerents in order that the rights of all concerned may
be carefully weighed and considered.

It is understood that Norway intended to present a project for
the establishment of a court of prize. It is a fact that both Germany
and Great Britain presented a project for the establishment of a
pri'c court at the first business session of the Conference. The
projects, however, were widely divergent In one, the continental
idea prevailed; in the other, the Anglo-Saxon idea dominated. It was
impossible to convince either of the advantage of the other plan.
Matters were at a standstill, when the American delegation, through
Mr. Choate, proposed a basis of compromise whlcb, accepted by
both, resulted in tbe ettabUahment of the coort.

The provisions of this convention .irc technical and ilctailco, -
must be the case in which an institution is to be created and its juri^
diction and procedure confined within the compass of a single <locv
ment. It is impossible, therefore, to discuss it at any length, but <
would be unworthy of the subject if mention were not made of its
salient features. In the first place, national prize courts arc t'>
officiate as in times past. One appeal is allowed from a national coui
to a higher court of the captor's country. Thereupon, at the ex
piration of two years an appeal may be taken directly from the na
tional court and the case transferred from the national court to thr
international prize court at The Hague. This court thereupon be-
comes seized of the law and the facts involved in the case and the
decision pronounced becomes final and binding upon the litigant
parties.

It should be stated that while the prize court is chiefly a court
for nations instead of for individuals, still the individual suitor, unless
expressly prohibited by his country, may h'mself appeal and transfer
the case, should his country be indisposed to appear before the bar
as his representative. It may not be inappropriate to state that the
institution of the court is in itself a recognition of the fact that the
individual is not without standing in modern international law.

In discussing the matter of the prize court, President Roosevelt
aptly said, in his recent message:

"Anyone who recalls the injustices under which this country
suflfered as a neutral power during the early part of the last century
cannot fail to see in this provision for an international prize court
the great advance which the world is making towards the substi
tution of the rule of reason and justice in place of simple force. Not
only will the international prize court be the means of protecting the
interests of neutrals, but it is in itself a step towards the creation
of the more general court for the hearing of international controver-
sies to which reference has just been made. The organization and
action of such a prize court cannot fail to accustom the diflPerent
countries to the submission of international questions to the decision
of an international tribunal, and we may confidently expect the r<-
siilts of si:ch submission to bring about a general agreement upon the
enlargement of the practice."

The Thirteenth Convention

The thirteenth convention concerns and seeks to regulate the
rights and duties of neutral powers in case of maritime war. This is
an elaborate codification of the rights and duties of neutrals in which

tlir ConUrciice entaycd to gencralt/e and define on the one hand Um
riK' ti uf neutral* and the correlative duties of the belligerenik. and in
thr -.L-cund |:lace to tet forth in detail the duties of neutrals, thus •&!#-
guarding the rights of belligerents in certain phases of maritime war*
'.iTt, The belligerents are forbidden to commit hostilities within tb«
territory or the territorial waters of neutrals and are forbiddta to
:nake a neutral port or neutral territory the basis of naval opt ftk w;
the neutral is likewise forbidden to permit such conduct. The bellig-
erent is forbidden to equip, provision, or to procure ammunition for
a war-like purpose within neutral ports, and the neutral is required
to prevent such use of its territory. The enemy men-of-war ar«
forbidden to remain beyond a certain period in neutral harbort. If
vessels of the other enemy be present, the order in which the vesielt
shall leave is prescribed, so that hostilities may not begin within
neutral jurisdiction. There are other and important provisions in tb«
convention which aim to codify existing custom, with the addition
of provisions thought to be necessary or highly desirable. The re-
sult, however, was unsatisfactory to some of the larger maritime
owers which prefer their present regulations on the subject of nea-
irality or which were willing to accept the modifications proposed.
For this reason the United States, Great Britain, and Japan abstained
from signing the convention.

The Fourteenth Convention

The fourteenth convention — in reality a declaration — is a re-enact-
nent of the declaration of 1899 forbidding the launching of pro-
jectiles and explosives from balloons. The original declaration was
agreed to for a period of five years, and as this period had expired the
powers were without a regulation on the subject The re-enactment
provided that the present declaration shall extend, not merely for a
period of five years, but to the end of the Third Conference of Peace.
It is difficult to say whether the declaration is important or not. It is,
however, evidence of the fact that the Conference believed that land
and water offer a sufficient field for warfare without extending it to a
newer element, the air.

Summary of the Conventlona

Such is, in brief, the content of the fourteen conventions, inclod-
ing a declaration, previously enumerated. The Acte Final then
paases to the less formal results. *The Conference, inspired by the
spirit of compromise and reciprocal conces«ion which pervades its
deliberations, adopted the following declarations which, rciervinc to

each of the represented Powers the benefit of its Totes, allows them
to aflirm the principles which they consider as unanimously
recognized.

"It is unanimous: (i) In accepting the principle for obligatory
arbitration; (2) In declaring that certain differences, and notably
those relating to the interpretation and application of international
conventional stipulations, are susceptible of being submitted to oblig-
atory arbitration without any restriction."

It was a matter of great regret to the thirty-two Powers voting
in behalf of a general treaty of obligatory arbitration, against which
there were only nine votes recorded, that the opponents of this great
and beneficent measure stood upon the rights of the minority to block
the will of the majority; but as Germany and Austria refused t»
yield to the majority, and as an attempt to sign a special convem
tion dealing with the subject, to be binding only on those who voted
for it, would have created bitterness of feeling within and withotit
the Conference, it was deemed in the interest of international peace
and good understanding to adopt the principle in the abstract with-
out seeking to incorporate it in the concrete form of a convention.
The future, however, is very bright. There is no reason to prevent
the thirty-two Powers to negotiate individual and separate treaties
and thus accomplish indirectly and beyond the confines of The
Hague what might and would have been accomplished but for the
determined opposition of two great but unconverted Powers.

Resolution Regarding Military Burdens

In the next place, to continue the reading of the Acte Final,
the Conference adopted unanimously the following resolution:

"The Second Conference of Peace re-aflRrms the lesolutioa
adopted by the Conference of 1899 regarding the limitation of mili-
tary charges, and considers that these military burdens have consid-
erably increased in almost all the countries since the last date. The
Conference declares that it is especially to be desired that the gov-
ernments should undertake again the serious study of this question."

The friends of peace regarded the failure to limit the burden of
armaments as a misfortune. There is much, however, to be said for
the haste that makes slowly. The problem of disarmament or limi-
tation of armaments is a very serious one. It is much more seriou*
than the pacifists would have us believe. Shall all disarm at one and
the same time? If that were possible we could solve the question at
once; but the fear that some may not disarm while others do, and the
further fear that the large Powers have not really lost the appetite

for the weaker, imttt make one paoic GcnMuiy
M***8^ ^^ th* resolution. Great Britain tapported it, asd, ia
ance with direct initructioni from the Secretary of State, IIm
^rlcgation voted for the measure.

Recommendation of the Eatablishment of a Court or Arvitrsfiaii

The Acic Final then proceeds to enumerate five rccoouacodatioas^
c first and last of which should be discusted.

**Thc Conference recommends to the signatory powers the ado^

n of the project hereunto annexed of a convention for the es-

>lt»hmcnt uf a court of arbitral justice, and its putting into effect as

>n as an agreement shall have been reached as to the choice of the

)t:dges and the constitution of the court."

The project referred to as annexed and made a part of the rec-
<>:nmendation is a careful convention consisting of thirty-five articles,
>viding for the organization, jurisdiction and procedure of a perma-
!it cnurt of arbitration, composed of permanent judges, rersed ia
^ systems of law of the modern civilized world. The
r was unable to agree upon the precise method of appoint-
.; the judges for the court, but recommended that this court be
. ublished upon the basis of the project approved by it and annexed
to the recommendation as soon as the signatory Powers should agree
■pon the method of appointing judges. The number of Powers neces-
sary is not specified, nor is the number of judges determined, as in
the Court of Prize. It therefore follows that any number of Powers
may agree to make the project the basis of the court and the court
is established. It would thus seem that we are in the presence of the
realization of centuries of hope.

The fate of the court was long in suspense. The opposition to
it was bitter at times. It was more difficult to carry than the prize
eourt, because there was no international court of prize, whereas
there is a permanent court of arbitration — The Hague Court — al-
though permanent in name only and constituted from a list of judges
for each case submitted to it. The existence, however, of the perma-
nent Court made it more difficult to establish the new one, and it waa
not until the last day but one of the Conference that the project
was adopted and referred to the Powers by the unanimoos vote of
the nations present and voting. Perhaps it would be advisable to
quote the first paragraph of the project in order that the exact naturv
of the court may be evident. It ia as follows:

*'In order to further the cause of arbitratkm, tlM coa tiac t ia g
Powers agree to organize, without injury to the parosaaflit Coart of

arbitration, a Court of arbitral justice, free and easy of access, com-
posed of judges representing the different juridical systems of the
world and capable of assuring the continuity of arbitral jurisprudence."

It is proper to state that the project was essentially an American
project, although presented conjointly by Germany and Great Britain,
and the establishment of the court in the near future will be an
American triumph. President Roosevelt, in his recent message to
Congress, commented as follows upon this recommendation:

"Substantial progress was also made towards the creation of a
permanent judicial tribunal for the determination of international
causes. There was very full discussion of the proposal for such a
court and a general agreement was finally reached in favor of its
creation. The Conference recommended to the signatory Powers the
adoption of a draft upon which it agreed for the organization of the
court, leaving to be determined only the method by which the judges
should be selected. This remaining unsettled question is plainly one
which time and good temper will solve."

I believe you will search in vain for any work of a more far-
reaching nature accomplished within the past centuries. The dream
of Henry IV, the hope of William Penn, both of whom prepared
projects for* a court of nations, seem, if not wholly to have been
realized within the very grasp of our generation.

A Third Peace Conference

The friends of peace and arbitration had wished to make the
Conference at The Hague a permanent institution, meeting at regular
and stated intervals known in advance. The American delegation
had the honor to urge the adoption of such a resolution or recom-
mendation and succeeded in substance, although the language is not
so clear and crisp as we should have liked. The exact wording of
the recommendation follows:

"Finally, the Conference recommends to the Powers the reunion
of a third Peace Conference to take place within a period analogous
to that which has elapsed since the preceding conference [eight years]
at a date to be fixed by common agreement among the Powers, and
the Conference calls their attention to the necessity of preparing the
program of the Third Conference far enough in advance in order that
its deliberations may take place with the indispensable authority and
rapidity.

"In order to reach this end, the Conference considers it very de-
sirable that two years before the probable reunion of the Conference,
a preparatory Committee be charged by the Governments with the

'/ of collecting the different propotHlont to be tiibmittcd to tiM

iference. of diftcovering matters tutcepiible of future fntenutlowU

ion and of preparing a program which the Governmenta ahall

lie to that it may be attentively studied in each country. This

- tee thall propose a mode of organiiation and procedure for tli«

nee."

The meaning of this recommendation is oMotta. Whatever

•ver may call the Conference, the interested governments are to

pare the program and devise rules for the organization and pro-

are of the Conference. In other words, the Conference cejues to

Russian in becoming international.

A Landmark in International Development

Enough has been said to show that this Conference, which lasted

' r months, and which was subjected to criticism in all parts of the

Id and to misrepresentations in the Journals, has not only justified

calling but that it is a landmark in international development.

One great concern must be, as far as possible, to humanize war

!ong as war exists. The greater task is to remove the causes of

: so that nations may not be hurried into war, or that friction de*

>ped by the failure to solve or adjust conflicts may not permit

n-niions slowly but surely to drift into war.

Leaving out minor matters, this Conference did four things of
fund.i mental importance:

I. It provided for a meeting of a Third Conference within an
analogous period, namely eight years, to be under the control of the
Powers generally, instead of the control of any one of them.

a. It adopted a convention for the non-forcible collection of
contract debts, substituting arbitration and an appeal to reason for
force and an appeal to arms.

3. It established a prize court to safeguard neutrals, and

4. It laid the foundations of, if it did not put the finishing stoot
IKH A great court of arbitration.

James Biown Scott

Technical Delegate of the United States to the
Second International Peace Conference at The Hagotw

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION FOR THE
AMERICAN BRANCH OF THB
ASSOCIATON f-OR INTERNA-
TIONAL CONCILIATION

Ltman A»»ott, N«w Yo«k.

Charles Francis Adams, Boston.

Edwim a. Alderman, Charlottesvilu-. Va.

Charles H. Ames, Boston, Mass.

Richard Babtholdt, M. C. St. Louis, Mo.

Clipton K. Brbckenridge, Arkansas.

William J. Bryan Lincoln, Nes.

T. E. Burton, M. C, Cleveland, Ohio.

Nicholas Murray Butler, New Yoek.

Andrew Carnegie, New Yobk.

Edward Cary, New York.

tosEPU H. Choatb, New York.
iKHARD H. Dana, Boston, Mass.
Arthur H. Dasher, Macon Ga.
Horace E. Deming. New York.
Charles W. Eliot, Cambridge, Mass.

ioHN W. Foster, Washington, D. C.
[ICHARD Watson Gilder New York.
John Arthur Greene, New York.
James M. Greenwood, Kansas City, Mo.
Franklin H. Mead, Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HoUGHTELING, CHICAGO, ILU
loRRis K. Jesup. New York.
David Starr Jordan, Stanford Uniyebsity, Cal.
Edmond Kelly. Paris. Francs.
Adolph Lewisohn, New Yobk.
Seth Low, New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, New Yobk.
W. H. Mahony. Columbus, Ohio.
Bbander Matthews, New York.
W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cau
George B. McClellan, Mayor or Nbw Yomk.
Levi P. Morton. New York.
Silas McBee, New York.
Simon Newcomb. Washington, D. C
Stephen H. Olin. New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Schenectady, N. Y.
Ira Remskn, Baltimore, Md.

iAMES Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass.
lowARD J. Rogers. Albany. N. Y.
Elimu Root, Washington, D. C.
J. G. ScHURMAN, Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Seligman, New Yobk.
F. J. V. Skipp, Chicago, Ilu
William M. Sloane, New Yobk.
Albebt K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.
James Speyeb, New Yobk.
OscAB S. Straus. Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swift San Francisco, Gal.
George W. Taylor. M. C.. Demopolis. Ala.
O. H. Tittman, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN, New York.
Benjamin Tbueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edwabd Tuck. Paris. France.
William D. Whkelwbicht, Pobtland, Obi.
Amdbsw D. Whitb, Ithaca, N. Y.

International Conciliation

PRO PA TRIA PER ORRIS CONCORDiAM

P>iili iBliiiibW<»
AairfiiiBiMdiAiiiiiidnf

THE POSSIBILITIES OF

INTELLECTUAL CaOPERATION BETWEEN

NORTH AND SOUTH AMERICA

L S. ROWE, LLD.

Pn>lem of Polilkd Sdom » iIm U«v«iil7 of
APRL. l90a.N».6

Broach of iko AModoboa (or

64(501 Wort 11 6diSlMil)
l^owYoAGly

THE POSSIBILITIES OF INTELLECTUAL

CO-OPERATION BETWEEN NORTH

AND SOUTH AMERICA

The contrast between Latin and Anglo-Saxon has
been used constantly to support the view that close
co-operation between the two races is impossible of
attainment. To many writers there is an essential
and fundamental antagonism between the basic racial,
mental and moral traits.

It is only within comparatively recent years that the
pseudo-scientific form under which this doctrine has
masqueraded has been unmasked. That there are
differences between the Latin and the Anglo-Saxon
no one will deny, but that these differences involve
any essential antagonism between the tv^ races is
without any basis in scientific fact. We are gradually
acquiring a clearer appreciation of the real strength of
the people of Latin America and of the contributions
that they have made, and are making, to the progress
of western civilization.

HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH AMERICA

It is a matter of considerable surprise to many to
learn that the arts and sciences were fostered from the
earliest period of the settlement of South America.
In 155 1, the first American university was established
in the Peruvian capital. For more than a century
after its foundation the University of San Marcos of
Lima was the center from which radiated the influences
that led to the establishment of higher institutions of
learning throughout the central and southern sections
of the continent. Originally founded by the Spanish
Crown and placed under the immediate supervision of

the Church, these instituuons drew their inspiration
and received their intellectual stimulus from Spain.

With the emancipation of the colonies from the
mother country the intellectual influence of otherEuro-
pean countries, notably Italy and France, began to make
itself felt. The reorganization of South American uni-
versities, which took place during the early decades of
the nineteenth century, was undertaken in accordance
with the dominant French influences of the period.
These influences to-day still determine the organization
and method of university instruction in South America.
Until within comparatively recent years the curriculum
has been patterned after European models; and even in
the study of scientific questions the distinctive prob-
lems of this continent have been neglected. This con-
dition of affairs has been due in large part to the fact
that those members of the university faculties who
were giving all their time to university instruction
were recruited from abroad, and the native professors
followed the standard set by their foreign colleagues.

>Within i\^e last two decades, however, a new spirit
has begun to make itself felt amongst the higher
institutions of learning of South America. Through
the influence of a number of educational leaders, atten-
tion has been called to the distinctively national prob-
lems, and especially to the necessity of bringing the
universities into closer touch with national life.

RELATION OF UNIVERSITIES TO NATIONAL LIFE

It is at this point that the influence of the univer-
sities of the United States for the first time begins to
make itself felt in South America. The close adapta-
tion of our higher institutions of learning to the ever-
changing needs of national life has been held up before
the Latin-American universities as an example of the
important part which the university should, and, if it
is to fulfil its mission, must play in the life of the
people. With this desire of the Latin-American
Republics to bring their universities into closer touch

with the life of the people there bat alto come an
awakening to the fact that the republic! of this con-
tinent, becaute of the exceptional conditiont under
which they were settled and because of the {>eculiar
economic and political conditions that have acfm-
their growth, present a group of problems
.1 in many respects from those of Contincnul
Europe, or in fact, from any other |K)rtion of the globe.
It has taken a long time to make clear the far-reaching
international obligations involved in this community
of national problems. The experience of each country
contains many lessons, positive and negative, by which
the nations of this continent may profit. Furthermore,
the spirit of mutual helpfulness growing out of such
interchange of service will contribute materially
toward the development of a real continental public
opinion, the attainment of which will constitute the
greatest safeguard to the peace of this hemisphere
and indirectly to the peace of the world.

DESIRE or SOUTH AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS TO BE

BROUGHT INTO CLOSER TOUCH WITH

THE UNITED STATFS

As a result of this clearer appreciation of the possi-
bilities of an interchange of experience in grappling
with fundamental national problems, there is evident
a growing desire on the part of educational leaders
in South America to bring themselves into closer touch
with the educational system of the United States and
to foster closer relations with our universities.

It seems strange, and at first almost inexplicable,
that we, in the United States, have failed to pay any
attention to the great currents of South American
thought. In our ignorance of the real situation in this
section of the continent we have grouped all the coun-
tries under the common name of South America and
have taken for granted that conditions are so primitive
that no intellectual or scientific movement of impor-
tance is to be looked for. The vastness of our own

country has led our universities to devote themselves
to the distinctively national problems, and little or no
thought has been given either to our relations with the
other sections of this continent or to the possibilities
of securing from them valuable scientific material
for our own purposes.

It will probably be surprising to many to learn that
in each of the countries of Latin America there is a
group, and in many countries a large group, of earnest
investigators who have made, and are making, import-
ant contributions to scientific thought. Until recent
years these investigators have not utilized the vast fund
of valuable material which their own countries offer,
but there is now noticeable amongst the younger gener-
ation a desire and determination to concentrate atten-
tion on the distinctively scientific problems of their
respective countries. We may, therefore, confidently
look forward to a period of scientific fruitfulness which
will throw a new light on many of the problems which
are now absorbing the attention of investigators in the
United States. There is something inspiring in the
thought of bringing the scientific effort of the Amer-
ican continent to bear on the great political, social,
economic and racial problems which confront the
nations of this hemisphere.

The discussion of our relations with South America
has been limited almost exclusively to commercial
considerations. It has been taken for granted that
intellectual intercourse would follow on the heels of
closer commercial relations. We have, therefore, been
content to postpone the consideration of this phase of
our continental position until such time as the growth
of commerce has brought us into closer touch with the
people of Latin America.

INTELLECTUAL INTERCOURSE MUST BE STIMULATED
INDEPENDENT OF COMMERCIAL RELATIONS

The most cursory examination of the South American
situation will show that the theory which has guided

oor attitude is erroneous. Until comparatively recent
years England has practically dominated South Ameri-
can trade, yet English intellectual influence has been io
slight that it hardly deserves consideration. On the
other hand, France, with but an insignificant commer-
cial position, has exerted a powerful influence over the
thought and action of the people of Latin America. It
isgenerally supposed that this is due to the close racial
affinity between the Spanish and the French. That
this is not the true explanation is attested by the grow-
ing intellectual influence of the Germans, who are now
supplanting the French, solely because of the concerted
effort which both the German government and the
German people are making to strengthen their position
in this quarter of the globe. Germany has been ready
and anxious to send her officers to reorganize the South
American armies, and she has shown herself no less
ready and anxious to send her schoolmasters and
schoolmistresses to reorganize the lower and higher
schools of these countries. Although German com-
merce has made great strides, her advance in moral
and intellectual influence is not to be traced to this
fact, but rather to the determined effort that she is
making to place her best intellectual forces at the
service of the South American republics.

THI LESSONS OF GERMAN SUCCESS

There has been much irre<(ponsible talk about the
designs of Germany on South America. Not only is
there a lack of any present indication of such designs,
but even supposing the acquiescence of the United
States, Germany lacks the elements with which to
support such a movement The Germans settled in
South America, while anxious to preserve their German
traditions, could not be relied upon to support any
attempt at the extension of German dominion. The
really significant fact is that Germany's intellectual
influence in South America is growing so rapidly,
especially in the educational field, that German ideas.

German culture, and the German point of view now
dominate the educational system in the more import-
ant sections of South America. This fact possesses a
deep and far-reaching significance and constitutes a far
greater achievement than a territorial foothold.

Germany's success contains a lesson of much im-
portance to the United States. It is evident to
everyone who has watched the development of
national feeling in South America that the time has
come when we must view our position on this con-
tinent with a far keener sense of the responsibilities
which it involves. We must shape our policy not
merely with a view to the present but with reference
to our standing amongst our neighbors ten and twenty
years hence. It is idle to suppose that the constant
reiteration of our good intentions will satisfy the
peoples of Latin America. They have to a very large
extent overcome their distrust of the purposes of
our government. In its stead there has developed
a feeling of admiration for the wonderful progress of
our country, its energy and initiative, and a sincere
desire to profit by our example.

This new spirit finds its most distinct expression in
the almost universal demand for American teachers
and American educational methods. In the few
instances in which American methods have been intro-
duced they have produced most excellent results.
A remarkable confirmation of this fact was impressed
upon me while travelling through the northern prov-
inces of the Argentine Republic. In 1869, President
Sarmiento, who was a close friend of Horace Mann,
engaged the services of five or six American teachers,
and placed in their hands the organization of a normal
school in the city of Parana. The founders of this
school are now dead or pensioned, but during the last
four decades the institution which they established has
exercised a profound influence on educational methods
throughout the Republic. This one school has con-
tributed more than any other agency toward develop-

ing a respect for American methods and strengthening
a desire to profit by American ci(>erience. There is a
real feeling of national gratitude for the teachers
whose pioneer work served to place the Argentine
educational system on a higher plane of efficiency.

When a handful of teachers can accomplish such re-
sults we begin to appreciate the far-reaching influenceof
a concerted and well co-ordinated effort to extend such
educational service, and the desirability of formulating
further plans for the establishment of new and even
stronger intellectual ties. Three possible lines of act-
ivity present themselves as a first step in this direction:

PREPARATION Of TEACHRRS FOR SERVICE IN
LATIN AMERICA

First. The better preparation of American teachers
for service abroad. Both Porto Rico and the Philip-
pines furnish excellent preparatory training for service
in South America, but the number of teachers avail-
able is relatively small. Our normal schools would
do a great service in giving to Spanish a more
prominent place in their curriculum, and in giving to
teachers a better idea of the history and civilization
of these Latin American countries.

But more important than these changes, which are
relatively simple and easily effected, is the develop-
ment of a more ready adaptability on the part of
American teachers. In this respect the German still
outranks the American. We are in many ways
unpleasantly provincial in our attitude toward the
foreigner and fail to show that ready sympathy with a
point of view different from our own which has done
so much to make the German and German methods
important factors in South American affairs.

MIGRATION op STUDENTS FROM LATIN AMERICA

Secondly. We must make a more concerted effort
to attract a larger number of South American students
to our normal schools and universities. It is true

that much has been done during the last ten years,
but we have only begun to realize the possibilities of
service in this respect. To-day the natural trend of
South American students is still towards Europe, in
spite of the fact that our institutions offer a training
better adapted to the conditions prevailing in these
republics.

The opportunity now presents itself, as it has never
presented itself before, for our universities to perform
a great national service which will do more to draw
the countries of South America closer to us than any
one thing that can be done at the present time. If a
group of our larger institutions were to establish a
series of scholarships for Latin-American students it
would be interpreted as the clearest indication of the
good will and friendly feeling of the American people.
The governments of the South American republics
are beginning to send students to the United States,
but the number desiring to come is far in excess of
the available appointments. The presence of a con-
siderable body of Latin-American students cannot help
but benefit our university life. They give to our
students a closer acquaintance with the point of view
of the Latin-American peoples and thus destroy many
of the prejudices that now exist. The personal ties
formed during the university years serve to prevent
the recurrence of those misunderstandings which in
the past have, from time to time, marred our relations
with the republics of South America.

In this work the International Bureau of American
Republics in Washington will be of the greatest service.
The Pan-American Conference held in Rio in 1906
adopted a plan for the reorganization of this Bureau
and as an integral part of this plan provided for the
establishment of an educational bureau, which should
serve as a clearing-house of educational information
for the republics of this continent. The present
Director, the Honorable John Barrett, is anxious to
broaden the usefulness of the Bureau wherever pos-

tible, and the univertttiet of the country can be
assured of his cordial support in any plans that they
may adopt. Heretofore the educational leaders of
South America have had considerable difficulty in
securin|{ complete and trustworthy data concerning
( ' aal methods in the United States. Through

t lu of American Republics the machinery is

iiv'.^ being devised through which such information
Will be readily and speedily available.

UNIVERSITY COOPERATION

Thirdly. The establishment of closer relations
between the universities of North and South America
and between individual investigators in the various
scientific fields.

During an extended tour through South America
I had the opportunity to discuss with university
authorities in the different countries a plan for the
establishment of such closer relations. I found every
one with whom I spoke not only prepared but
enthusiastic in their acceptance of any plan that
would bring them into closer touch with the univer-
sities of the United States. As a first step, the
following tentative plan was agreed upon with the
National University of La Plata, the National Uni-
versity of Chile, and the University of San Marcos
of Lima:

I To arrange for the exchange of all university
publications.

2. The establishment of a Scientific Bureau, the
duties of which shall be

(a) To serve as a center of information for
members of the various Faculties or other
investigators who may desire data concern-
ing any subject under inquiry;

(^) To serve as intermediary between members
of the university pursuing similar lines of
investigation;

(r) To undertake with specialists the arrange-
ment of simultaneous investigations on top-
ics of interest to scientists in both countries.
By this means monographic studies covering
similar topics in the various countries can
be undertaken.

(</) To furnish information concerning programs
of courses, methods of instruction, etc., etc.

3. The establishment of a "Foreign Students*

Information Bureau," whose duty it shall be
to furnish full information concerning every
phase of university life, and also to receive
foreign students, extending them every facility
upon their arrival.

4. The inclusion of material relating to the develop-

ment of American political institutions in such
courses as Constitutional Law, Administrative
Law, Political Economy, Sociology and Com-
parative Legislation. The main purpose of
this plan is to give to university students some
notion of existing conditions, and to arouse in
them such interest as will lead to independent
investigations.

This project for university cooperation will serve
important scientific ends. In the first place, there are
the scientific purposes to be subserved. We have
hardly begun to appreciate the wealth of scientific
material which South America affords. I will confine
myself to the one field of investigation with which
I am acquainted — the study of political institutions.
The constitution of the United States has had a
marked influence on the development of political
institutions throughout South America. This is par-
ticularly true of the federal republics, Brazil and the
Argentine, but it is also true, although to a less
extent, of the unified states, such as Chile, Bolivia,
and Peru. The student of political institutions is
afiforded the opportunity of examining the operation

^ Of sioiiiar consiuuiiunal provitions under totally differ*

^ ent conditions and ii thui able to ftudy the relation

between constitutional form and constitutional fact

from an entirely new viewpoint

CONSTITUTIONAL DBVtLOPMBNT OF THE REfUBLICS
or LATIN AMERICA

There is a very common and widespread belief that
the republics of Latin America have had no constitu-
tional development worthy of the name, that they have
passed from rrvolution to revolution, and that the
constant ; y has prevented any approach to

orderly in- al growth. It is, therefore, a matter

of some surprise to the student of political science to
find in the constitutional history of these countries
material which throws a flood of light on the develop-
ment of democratic institutions and their relation to
inherited political ideas.

Even the revolutions have a deep constitutional
significance. In most cases they are the political
expressions of deeply rooted social changes and must be
so interpreted in order to grasp their true significance.
In spite of occasional setbacks, the leading countries
of South America are developing political institutions
which, within a comparatively short time, will be at
firmly established as our own. The occasional up-
heavals that occur are steps in this process. With
each year public opinion is becoming more organic
and is extending its control over governmental affairs.
As soon as the history of South American countries is
studied with the same care and detail as of the United
States, we will find that the political institutions of
these countries have passed through stages of develop-
ment quite as clearly defined as Uiose through which
our own institutions have passed.

Material of equal value is to be found for the study
of race problems and racial relations, archaeology,
medicine, hygiene, and public sanitation. In order to
give to this material its greatest value it is important

that investigators in different sections of the country
should be brought into close relation with one another.
Through such united effort the contribution of this
continent to the world's knowledge will be greatly
increased and a new spirit of solidarity established.

PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS

The approaching Pan-American ScientificCongress to
be held in Santiago, Chile, in December 1908, furnishes
the opportunity to our universities to show, through
their participation in the work, that they appreciate
the possibilities involved in closer cooperation for the
solution of the many scientific problems that we have
in common. The cordial and fraternal spirit in which
the invitation to the United States government has
been extended expresses the desire of the people of
Latin America for a closer and more fruitful commu-
nity of action with the people of the United States.

This Congress has heretofore been exclusively Latin-
American. The determination to make it Pan-Ameri-
can is but one of the many indications that a feeling
of continental solidarity is gradually making itself felt.
The personal ties formed between investigators at
such a gathering will make it possible to undertake
parallel inquiries in different sections of the continent,
and it is but reasonable to expect that such inquiries
will throw a new light on many vexed questions.
Through this contact, scientific associations in differ-
ent parts of this hemisphere will be brought into closer
touch with one another and the activities of all
rendered more fruitful. This congress will mark an
epoch in the intellectual relations between the repub-
lics of the American continents.

In considering the various plans herewith submitted,
due weight must be given to the broad national inter-
ests involved as well as to the immediate scientific
advantages which they present. International rela-
tions are to-day determined by the intellectual sym-
pathies that exist between nations. We draw nations

toward ut in proportion as we do them tenrice, and
we are to*day placed in a position to be of incalculable
service to the peoples of South America. Their
greatest present need is a better organization of the
common school and higher educational system. Our
own experience contains many lessons by which they
may profit. There is no need to foist our methods on
them. On the contrary, they are ready and anxious
to avail themselves of the best that we have to offer.
At no time in our history have the universities of the
United States had a better opportunity to do a service
of national — yes, of continental import. No agencies
are better adapted to this purpose.

In the development of this spirit of continental
solidarity our universities will add another to the
many national services that they have performed.
The time is not far distant when the Latin-American
republics — or at least the more important among them
— will be powers of real magnitude, whose support the
United States will require in the realization of those
ideals of international justice for which our govern-
ment has so long striven. We cannot hope to have
their support unless we are able to establish with them
closer intellectual and moral bonds. The spirit of
continental unity which we must try to establish does
not imply the slightest antagonism toward Europe or
against European institutions. It is simply the recog-
nition of the elemental fact that America can best
make her contribution to the world's progress by
addressing herself primarily and with unity of purpose
to those national and international problems that are
either peculiar to this continent or for the solution of
which conditions are peculiarly favorable. The repub-
lics of this continent will thus best make an adequate
return for the inheritance which they received from
Europe.

CCXJNCIL OF DIRECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONQLIATION

Lyman Auott, Nbw York,

Chaklbs Fkamcis Adams, Boston.

Edwin A. Aldbrman, Charlottesville, Va.

Charles H. Ames. Boston, Mass.

Richard Bartholdt. M. C, St. Ix>uis, Mo.

Clifton R. Rreckenridgb, Fort Smith, Arkamias.

William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb.

T. K. Burton, .M. C, Clbveland, Ohio.

Nicholas Murray Butler. New York.

Andrew Carnbgie, New York.

Edward Carv, Nbw York.

JossrH H. Choate, New York.

Richard H. Dana, Boston, Mass.

Arthur L. Dashbr, Macon. Ga.

Horace E. Dbming, New York.

Charlrs W. Eliot, Cambridgb, Mass.

iOHN W. Foster. Washington, D. C.
liciiARD Watson Gilder, New Yor'k.
John Arthur Greene, New York.
Jambs M. (Greenwood, Kansas City, Mo,
Franklin H. Head. Chicago, III.
William J. Holland. Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HoUCHTALING, CHICAGO. IlL.
►avid Star Jordan, Stanford Univbrsitv, Cal.
Edmond Kelly, New York.
Adolph Lbwisohn, New York.
Skth Low, New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, New York,
W. A. Mahonv, Columbus, Ohio.
Brander Matthews, Nbw York.
W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal.
George B. McClellan, Mayor of New York.
Levi P. Morton, New York.
Silas McBek, New York.
Simon Newcomb, Washington, D. C.
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Schenectady, N. Y.
Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md.

iAMES Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass.
[owARD J. Rogers, Albany, N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington, D. C.
I. G. ScHURMAN. Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Seligman, Nbw York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III.
William M. Sloaxe, New York.
Albert K. Smilky, Lake Mohonx, N. Y.
James Speyer, New York.
Oscar S. Straus. Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Marv Wood Swift, San Francisco, Cau
George W. Taylor, M. C, Demopolis, Aijc
O. H. TiTTMAN, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN. New York.
Benjamin Tkueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck. Paris, France.
William D. Wheelwright, Portlako, Osb.
Andrew D. White, Ithaca, N. Y.

International Conciliation

i*iCO I* A THiA PEH OHBIS CONCOKDiAM

AgirfiiiBwciiAiMriiiinfarl

AMERICA AND JAPAN

GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD. LL.D.

JUNE. 1906. No. 7

AawncMi Braack of iKe Awocialion \o* Inimiabooal
64(501 W«i IKnk SiiMl)
N«wYodiQ^

This is the first of a series of brief but authoritative
articles on the common intellectual, social and com-
mercial features in the life of the people of the United
States and other important countries of the world, for
which arrangements have been made by the Executive
Committee of this Association.

Future documents will deal with the South American
countries, with the Orient, with France, England,
Germany, Italy, Spain, Canada and Mexico.

So far as the editions of these documents will per-
mit, copies will be sent postpaid, upon publication,
to those persons who have made written application
therefor, and the Committee will be glad to send
additional copies to any names and addresses sug-
gested by correspondents, either as being those of
persons interested in the work of the Association as a
whole, or in the relations of the United States and
any particular country or countries.

Association for International Conciliation.

American Branch,

Sub-station 84. New York.

AMERICA AND JAPAN

In the history of intertribal or international imcr-
course, there are three principal causes of irritation,
bitterness of feeling and strife. These are, first, the
impulsive movements or more deliberate invasions of
multitudes that frankly seek to conquer the land and
plunder the wealth of others; second, the jealousies,
anger and other bad passions of powerful individuals
among the ruling classes; and, third, the less blame-
worthy and indeed, under certain circumstances, almost
inevitable misunderstandings by different nations of
each other's motives and character. This last cause,
therefore, a more intimate and intelligent acquaintance
may reasonably be expected at least in part to remove.

As that complex and obscure thing which we call
** civilization " advances, the first two of these three
causes become less openly and powerfully operative.
The ** hordes " of one people no longer descend upon
the territory of another people, stealing, burning, mur-
dering and committing even baser crimes — unashamed
to be regarded and met in their true character as the
avowed enemies of mankind. Eunuchs, mistresses,
adventurous promoters, selfish and heartless mon-
archs, and their counsellors or so-called statesmen,
cease to figure so conspicuously as the real procurers
of a national resort to arms. The obvious crime and
immorality of such a resort, in order merely to satisfy
ambition, greed and lust, or to gratify feelings of per*

sonal resentment and revenge, compels war to masque-
rade under a claim to higher motives and more humane
methods. Thus the complete and final cure for the
first two classes of forces that work to inflame passion
and engender violence, requires of the civilized nations
themselves the loosening and the culture of the moral
and religious forces that make for good-will and for
peace — mch in its own home-land. This work is not
behveen nations but within nations. What America, and
every other so-called Christian people, chiefly needs in
order to promote ** international conciliation," is less
of unscrupulous greed in its own business, less of per-
sonal and selfish ambition in its own politics, more of
the spirit of wisdom and of righteousness in its pulpits,
and less of hypocrisy in its churches.

The case is not precisely the same, however, with
the third class of the causes of war referred to above.
The cure for this, I have said, is enlightenment — a
better knowledge, and so a worthier appreciation of
each other on the part of the nations of the earth.
In the stage of ignorance, those foreign peoples who
most differ from ourselves — even if the difference be
really rather superficial and relatively unimportant —
are sure to seem ** barbarian." The nation, like the
individual man, that looks or acts strange, is the more
apt to become in fact estranged. Inasmuch as it is a
mark of friendship, or of friendly condescension, to
explain one's self when suspected of wrong and injuri-
ous conduct, the misunderstood stranger the more
readily becomes the hated enemy. And then, when a
considerable course of such misunderstandings, or a
series of unexplained differences of views and of
actions seriously affects property rights or national

{iride, war toiiiiwft ai a result that feenift juiktmauic in
the cyet of both parties.

All that has just been said is particularly pertinent as
touching the present relations of Occident and Orient,
of America and Europe on the one hand and of the
eastern peoples on the other hand. Recent events
have made the present time both critical and oppor-
tune, in respect to this need of mutual understanding.
For the Russo-Japanese war, and its sequent conven-
tions and treaties, has temporarily checked, if it has
not (as every lover of the race, in my judgment,
ought to hope) permanently abolished the attempts of
western nations to dominate and exploit the eastern
world. At the same time, it has stirred ambitions and
hopes— especially in China and India — which may
easily develop into results that will greatly alter the
future of human affairs.

In this important work, which is an actual and
accomplished work of arousing the Orient, and a
would-be and hoped-for work of leading it out into the
enjoyment of some of the more obvious advantages of
modem western civilization, there can be no doubt that
Japan stands preeminent. It is, therefore, particularly
desirable, in order to avoid ill-will and possible strife,
that Japan should be understood by the western
peoples. And among them all, what one can be more
interested in, and obligated to, the careful cultivation
of such good understanding that leads to good-will
than is the United States?

The impression which has been fostered by such
writers as Mr. Kipling, and even by Mr. Hearn, as well
as by many travellers and chance visitors, that Orient
and Occident are so radically different as to make it

impossible for them to understand each other, has
gone abroad widely. The impression is by no means
wholly true. Even the aversions, oppositions and
antagonisms awakened by the British in India, the
Dutch in Java and Sumatra, the Russians in China, and
the Americans in the Philippines, are in each case
substantially the same as those which the other party
would feel, if the relations were reversed. That it is
inconceivable for relations ever to be reversed, may
turn out on reflection, or even at some time in the
future on experience, to be a mere product of racial
self-conceit. It is not yet proved that the Anglo-Saxons
or any other European peoples are designed by a retrib-
utive Providence to become that *' recurrent curse of
mankind, a dominant race."

At all events, a great deal of that which can be said,
with much impressiveness and with no little truth-
seeming, of other nations of the Far East, cannot be
said of Japan. For Japan has never been, and is not
now, Oriental, as are India, China, and Korea. Its two
hundred and fifty years of exclusiveness and of isolated
feudal development, as well as certain racial character-
istics, prevented the more purelv Oriental type of
civilization from gaining supremacy there. Indeed,
up to the time when the warships of the United States
under Commodore Perry appeared off her coasts, the
political and social constitution and habits of life of
Japan, in several important respects resembled more
those of mediaeval Europe than those of the other
eastern nations of that date. This contention could
be established, if it were necessary, by a detailed exam-
ination of the different main factors entering into its
civilization. But the fact forms one of the most

. Japan hm« to rapidly and readily
.the butinesf methods and modet
of procedure, the tyftem of public and profeMional
cilucation, the instrui! que of manufac*

turc, and even the coi y and legal formi

of Europe and America. Thus, the cititen of the
United States or of Western Europe, who it prepared
to get below certain superficial differences and reach
down to the more fundamental likeness, may feel more
.(t Iiotiir in Japan than in certain parts of Europe itself !
aiul iniK h more than in Turkey in Asia or, indeed, any
portion of the Near East. Even those more subtle
diiTcrences in religious, ethical and political conceptions
which still undoubtedly induence, or even dominate,
the Japanese mind, are, in most cases, not difficult for
the psychologist or the student of history to recognize
in himself or in his ancestors.

I am glad then to testify out of a full and long
experience, that just as intelligent, self-respecting and
mutually respecting, and permanent friendships may
exist betweenindividual Japanese and individual Ameri-
cans as between any two classes of individuals within
either of the two nations. Uut much more than this is
true, or, rather, the same thing is true as between the
two nations at large. On the whole, and until the most
recent times, the feeling of the Japanese people toward
the United States has been one of warm friendship,
and even of admiration and enthusiastic good-will.
This feeling on their part has contained, indeed, a
considerable mixture of gratitude and other elements
that are not likely to endure; but in union' with these
there has always been something more permanently and
deeply interfused. This has been an apprehension —

at first rather dim but becoming clearer as the future
relations of the two nations have defined themselves in
thought and in fact — of a certain community of intel-
lectual, social and commercial interests between them,
the welfare of which requires peace, and the marring,
if not the total destruction, of which would come about
through alienation and war.

I have said that friendly feeling toward the United
States has hitherto been widespread and popular in
Japan. This fact is a convincing witness to the admira-
ble chivalric nature of the more intelligent and high-
class Japanese. Count Okuma once said to me that
he regarded Commodore Perry as the "best friend
Japan ever had," — among foreigners, of course. Every-
where that I went during the years of 1906-1907, the
flags of the two countries were hung together, over
the gates of the school-yards and of private residences,
over welcome-arches and in banqueting halls. At
Hikon^ it was taken for granted that we, as Americafis,
would be interested in the relics of Count li, who lost
his life because he signed the Treaty with Townsend
Harris ; at Ikegami, that we would look reverently upon
the tomb of the wrecked American sailors, whose
bodies the good monks rescued and buried two gen-
erations ago. And yet let us remember that, in the
words of Prince Ito, **the treaties which had been
concluded with the Western Powers were not made at
the instance 0/ Japan \ and, therefore, the chief pro-
visions were not reciprocal, especially so with regard
to jurisdiction and tariff."

It is in these last words, I am sure, that we find the
hidden explanation of much liability to misunderstand-
ing and ill-will between Occident and Orient, and,

more e«pectally» between Ameriai and Japan. We led *
the western nationi in f^reimg Japan to admit ut and
them to residence and to trade. Wc joined Europe in
framing and maintaining treaties that were not ** recip-
rocal with regard to jurisdiction and tariff." And now
that Japan has succeeded in vindicating and gaining
the full right to a place beside us, in the rank of the
leading nations of the civilised world, we find it hard
to understand and sympathize with her people, in
terms of a strict reciprocity — ** especially so with
regard to jurisdiction and tariff.** But with Japam, ss
mutk as, and perhaps even more than, with any of the
other nations, international conciliation depends upon an
attitudt of mind and a course of conduct dictated by moral
and prudential considerations that are reciprocal.

Under this principle of reciprocity, the bonds which
should bind America and Japan together are peculiarly
strong and tenacious. Every year the intellectual
development and growth in educational interests of
the two countries is binding them more firmly together.
Thousands of Japanese youth have come to the United
Sutes to study, in all sorts of institutions, every kind
of subject ; they have gone back to the home-country
with lasting feelings of respect and affection for their
American teachers and fellow-pupils. Hundreds of
American men and women have gone to Japan to teach
thousands of Japanese youth there; and if the number
of foreign teachers has of late been greatly diminished,
— as, indeed, it should have been — still the pupils are
not unmindful of what these foreign teachers have
already done for them. (For myself, I can testify that
no other class of students are, as a rule, to appreciative
and so grateful as the Japanese.) Thousands of books

by American authors are disseminating in Japan the
science, literature and philosophy with which our own
publishers are making us familiar at home. And what
is more important, the ideas and instructions of these
living voices and printed pages are falling into much
more receptive, and, in turn, productive, soil in this
than in any other oriental country. No one can
become familiar with not only the missionary schools
but also with the government elementary schools,
without being impressed with the similarity, and in
important respects the identity, of the popular educa-
tion in America and in Japan. Whereas, there is no
such similarity when we turn to the cases of India,
China and Korea — the last, irrespective of the begin-
ning which the Japanese have made there.

The social differences between the United States
and all Oriental countries, including Japan, are indeed
most impressive to the ordinary traveller, or to the
superficial traveller, when away from the capitals and
the principal ports. But these differences, which were
not so important in Jap:in as in other parts of the
Orient previous to its opening, are, year by year,
becoming less formidable in the way of producing
misunderstanding, and of interfering with efforts at
conci'iation whenever misunderstanding arises. At the
very moment, for example, that writers like Mr. Millard
are creating prejudice by exaggerating the undemo-
cratic character of the Japanese government, the latter
is modifying the conditions of suffrage so as to double
the number of voters. The status of woman, which has
never in Japan been upon the ordinarily low oriental
level, has been raised by wise laws and improvements
in education, so that it now compares favorably with

t hat in mott countries of Europe. Many oC the mAterial
ailvantagei of modern civiliiation are even more widely
distributed in Japan than they are in the United Sutet.
Newspapers are circulated by the thousands in the
smaller villages and towns. As soon as the poverty of
the nation and the diminution of the war-debt will per-
mit, the enactment of legal restrictions will compel
what the feeling of fraternal sympathy is now accom-
plishing in many cases — namely, the amelioration of
the physical condition of factory laborers, especially of
the women and children.' As to all the greater crimes,
Japan is safer both for life and for property than is
the United States to-day. And, with one exception, it
is not inferior in respect of those vices that are less
easily guarded against by law. The men selected for
diplomatic and consular service are more carefully
trained and more cautious about giving needless
^e to foreign nations than are our men in similar

, :ions.

There is one particular that should be mentioned in
a more emphatic way. The attempt has been made —
it is to be feared, for selfish political purposes — to
create the impression that Japan is distinctively a
military nation, bound to go to war about once in so
often and meantime ** spoiling for a fight." During
its feudal period there was indeed much fighting among
the feudal lords, until the great ly^yasu brought them
all under the control of the Shogunate. But, with the
exception of the invasion of Kdrea by Hideyoshi, Japan
has never entered upon a war of conquest. To quote
again from Prince Ito: ** Japan's military reform was
executed mainly for defensive purposes, and not from
any desire for expansion." Indeed, it has several

times, in the case of Korea, refrained under great temp-
tation from a punitive war. Those foreigners who know
best the government and the people are confident to-day
that the nation desires peace, and will use all possible
morally right means to secure peace.

It is doubtless when we come to speak of the present
and future commercial relations of America and Japan
that we are upon the most dangerous ground. Un-
doubtedly, Japan intends to secure a large economical
development, both in the form of internal agriculture
and manufactures and also of foreign commerce. This
is her right and her necessity; a right that must, how-
ever, be guided by law and ethics, and a necessity that
is enforced by the war debt and by her rapidly increasing
population. Undoubtedly, also, her position geograph-
ically and the present character of her population give
her certain considerable advantages over other nations
in the rivalries of trade in the Far East. The rivalries
of trade are therefore sure to influence the attitudes
toward each other of America and Japan in the near,
and perhaps even more in the more distant, future. It
will be impossible to show that the merely commercial
interests of the two countries are identical. So that in
both of them it is now, and it will continue to be, the
ambitious members of the military class and the greedy
and unscrupulous members of the business classes, who
will most need to be watched and to be checked in order
to keep relations of peace and friendship between the
two nations. *

It is easy to argue that, in the long run, war is the
enemy of the successful economical development of
mankind. It is more difficult to show that, in particular
cases, neither of the two nations who war with each

other ii economicallf benefited ... lait way. it i*
impossible to prove that certain individuals and cor-
porations which aim to control, and actually decontrol
politics, are not made rich through the wars, increasing
taxation and poverty of their own and other peoples.
Wherefore, we must always fall back upon the moral
and religious influences in order to effect international
conciliation, when the commercial interests of individ-
uals or peoples are at stake. In my judgment, our
treatment of this interest may be brief and must be
thorough. Here, then, is one perfectly clear and
unchanging moral and religious principle. Neithtr tkt
prQtt€tiom mcr the adt^ancement of any merely eommerciai
rivairy earn ever afford a mora! justifieation for war.
And when Christian nations enter upon war for the
sake of any such interest, they make a mockery of the
name they profess.

At present, it is plainly inexpedient for both nations
that America and Japan should weaken, not to say
destroy, the bonds of friendship which have bound
them together from the beginning of their international
intercourse until now. In the future, only grossly
immoral behavior on the part of one or both of these
two nations is likely to loosen or dissolve these bonds.
Mutual understanding, reciprocal forbearance, genuine
and intelligent sympathy, should then be a sufficient
conciliator. And, surely, America has not managed her
own railroads so justly and wisely as to be able to throw
stones or dust in the face of Japan in respect of her
management of the Manchurian Railway. Obviously,
our own tariff regulations are not so fair and generous
toward other nations as to enable us to act as severe
critics of the tariffs regulated by Japan, now that she

has at last gained the right to control in this respect
her own territory. Let us rather heal ourselves; and,
meantime, let us hope that the prediction of her own
statesman, whose views have already been quoted, and
than whom no one knows his country better or has
done more to shape her internal and her foreign policy,
will come true: "Japan will continue more and more
to feel the consciousness of her responsibility which
has been made so great; and, not inconsistently with
the determination, she will endeavor to contribute
toward the maintenance of peace and the general wel-
fare of the world at large . . . She will continue
to follow the common path of the world's civilization
and to share the benefits of its fruits with other
countries."

One of the chief benefits in the interests of inter-
national conciliation, which may be expected to come
from arbitration, is just this: It alTords opportunity
for arriving at a mutual understanding that is likely to
be more complete because it is deliberate, and more in
accordance with justice because it is mediated through
disinterested parties. The particular and pressing
dangers to continued good-will and peace between the
United States and Japan at the present time arise from
the selfish and unscrupulous greed of the commercial
classes. There is 'evidence that a part of our own
press is being subsidized, and its Far Eastern corre-
spondents "instructed " to use every means, not except-
ing the circulation of misinformation and falsehood, in
the support of the rivalries of trade and commerce in
that portion of the world. But courts of arbitration
are customarily composed of men, in part at least, who
do not regard the success or failure of private schemes

«4

fur "promotion" and "exploitation** as belonging to
the choicest interetu or most invulnerable rights of
mankind. For these reasons among others, there*
fore, the friends o( peace may properly rejoice and
take courage at the prospect of the conclusion of a
(general arbitration treaty between the United States
and japan.

GEORGE TRUMBULL LADD

)

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONQLIATION

I.vMAN Abbott, N«w Yokk,

( II \xi.Ks Francis Adams, Boston.

1 I'UJN A. ALDSRMAN, CHARLOTTBSV1U.B, Va.

CiiAKLBS H. Ambs. Boston, Mass.
Richard Bartholdt. M. C, St. I<out5, Mo.
CurroN R. Brbckknridcb, Fort Smith, Arkansas.
William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Nbb.
T. K. Burton, M. C, Clbvbland, Ohio.
Nicholas Murray Butlbr. Nbw York.
Andrbw Carnkgib, Nbw York.
Edward Cary, Nbw York.

iosBPH H. Choatb, Nbw York.
Lichard H. Dana, Boston, Mass.
Arthur L. Dashbr, Macon. Ga.
Horace E. Dbming, Nbw York.
Charles W. Eliot. Cambridgb, Ma5».

ioHN W. Foster, Washington, D. C.
liciiARD Watson Gildbr, Nbw York.
John Arthur Grbbnb, New York.
Jambs M. Greenwood, Kansas City, Mo.
Franklin H. Head. Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HoUGHTALINC, CHICAGO. IlL.
►avid Star Jordan, Stanford Univbrsity, Cau
Edmond Kblly, New York.
AooLPH Lewisohn, New York.
Sbth Low, New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, Nbw York,
W. A. Mahony, Columbcs, Ohio.
Brandbr Matthews, New York.
W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cai..
George B. McClellan, Mayor of New Yobk.
Levi P. Morton, New York,
Silas McBeb, New York.
Simon Nbwcomb, Washington, D. C.
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Schbnbctaoy, N. Y.
Ira Rbmsen, Baltimore, Md.

iAMES Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass.
[oward J. Rogers, Albany. N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington. D. C.
J. G. Schukman, Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Sei.igman, Nbw York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, Ilu
William M. Sloanb, New York.
Albert K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.

iAMES Speyer, New York,
•scar S. Straus, Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, San Francisco, Cal.
George W. Taylor, M, C, Demopolis, Aijc
O. H. Tittmam, Washington, D. C.
W. H, Tolman, New York.
Benjamin Tkueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck, Paris, France,
William D. Wheelwright, Pobtland, Orb.
Andrew D. White, Ithaca, N. Y.

International Conciliation

PRO FA TRtA PER ORBIS COI^CORDfAM

THE SANCTION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

f^cadenluJ Addrett Before the Second AubimI

Meeting ol the Amencui Society ol

Imwiutkiiul Law, 1908

EUHU ROOT

JULY. 1908. NO. S

African Braadi of ibe Awonalioii lor laieraAlioMl
64(501 Wert ll6Ui SimcI)
NcwYockOly

The Association for International Conciliation
desires to express to the Secretary of State its deep
gratitude for his permission to include among its
documents his address as President of the American
Society of International Law. French, German and
Spanish translations of the address are being dis-
tributed throughout Europe by the Paris office of the
Association.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications is subjoined.

1. Program of the Association for International
Conciliation, by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant.
April, 1907.

2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace
Congress, by Andrew Carnegie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace (Address delivered at the
University of St. Andrew) by Andrew Carnegie.
November, 1907.

4. The Results of the Second Hague Conference,
by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant and Hon. David
Jayne Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by
James Brown Scott. January, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between
North and South America, by L. S. Rowe. April, 1908.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd.
June, 1908.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, copies of the
documents will be sent post-paid upon application.

Association for International Conciliation.

American Branch,

Sub-station 84. New York.

THE SANCTION OF INTERNATIONAL LAW

One accustomed to the administrition of municipal
law who turns his attention for the 6nt time to the
discussion of practical questions arising between
nations and dependent upon the rules of international
law, must be struck by a difference between the two
systems which materially affects the intellectual proc-
esses involved in every discussion, and which is
apparently fundamental.

The proofs and arguments adduced by the municipal
lawyer are addressed to the object of setting in motion
certain legal machinery which will result in a judicial
judgment to be enforced by the entire power of the
state over litigants subject to its jurisdiction and con-
trol. Before him lies a clear, certain, definite conclu-
sion of the controversy, and for the finality and
effectiveness of that conclusion the sheriff and the
policeman stand always as guarantors in the last resort.

When the international lawyer, on the other hand,
passes from that academic discussion in which he has
no one to convince but himself, and proceeds to seek
the establishment of rights or the redress of wrongs in
a concrete case, he has apparently no objective poiot

to which he can address his proofs or arguments,
except the conscience and sense of justice of the
opposing party to the controversy. In only rare,
exceptional and peculiar cases, do the conclusions of
the international lawyer, however clearly demon-
strated, have behind them the compulsory e£fect of
possible war. In the vast majority of practical ques-
tions arising under the rules of international law there
does not appear on the surface to be any reason why
either party should abandon its own contention or
yield against its own interest to the arguments of the
other side. The action of each party in yielding or
refusing to yield to the arguments of the other appears
to be entirely dependent upon its own will and pleasure.
This apparent absence of sanction for the enforcement
of the rules of international law has led great authority
to deny that those rules are entitled to be called law
at all; and this apparent hopelessness of finality car-
ries to the mind, which limits its consideration to the
procedure in each particular case, a certain sense of
futility of argument.

Nevertheless, all the foreign offices of the civilized
world are continually discussing with each other ques-
tions of international law, both public and private,
cheerfully and hopefully marshaling facts, furnishing
evidence, presenting arguments and building up rec-
ords, designed to show that the rulesof international law

require such %nd such things to be done or such
such things to be left undone. And in countless
nations are yielding to such arguments and shaping
their conduct against their own apparent interests io
the particular cases under discussion, in obedience to
the rules which are shown to be applicable.

Why is it that nations arc thus continually yielding
to arguments with no apparent compulsion behind
them, and before the force of such arguments aban-
doning purposes, modifying conduct, and giving
redress for injuries ? A careful consideration of this
question seems to lead to the conclusion that the
difference between municipal and international law, in
respect of the existence of forces compelling obedience,
is more apparent than real, and that there are sanc-
tions for the enforcement of international law no less
real and substantial than those which secure obedience
to municipal law.

It is a mistake to assume that the sanction which
secures obedience to the laws of the state consists
exclusively or chiefly of the pains and penalties
imposed by the law itself for its violation. It is only
in exceptional cases that men refrain from crime
through fear of fine or imprisonment. In the vast
majority of cases men refrain from criminal conduct
because they are unwilling to incur in the community
in which they live the public condemnation and

bbioquy which would follow a repudiation of the
standard of conduct prescribed by that community
for its members. As a rule, when the law is broken
the disgrace which follows conviction and punishment
is more terrible than the actual physical effect of
imprisonment or deprivation of property. Where it
happens that the law and public opinion point different
ways, the latter is invariably the stronger. I have
seen a lad grown up among New York toughs break
down and weep because sent to a reformatory instead
of being sentenced to a State's prison for a violation
of law. The reformatory meant comparative ease,
comfort, and opportunity for speedy return to entire
freedom; the State's prison would have meant hard
labor and long and severe confinement. Yet in his
community of habitual criminals a term in State's
prison was a proof of manhood and a title to distinc-
tion, while consignment to a reformatory was the
treatment suited to immature boyhood. He preferred
the punishment of manhood with what he deemed
honor to the opportunity of youth with what he deemed
disgrace. Not only is the effectiveness of the punish-
ments denounced by law against crime derived chiefly
from the public opinion which accompanies them, but
those punishments themselves are but one form of the
expression of public opinion. Laws are capable of
enforcement only so far as they are in agreement with

pinions of the communiiy in which they are to be
...: .:ccd. Aft opinion changes old laws become obsolete
and new sundards force their way into the statute
books. L4iwf passed, as they sometimes are, in advance
of public opinion ordinarily wait for their enforcement
until the progress of opinion has reached recognition
of their value. The force of law is in the public opinion
which prescribes it.

The impulse of conformity to the sundard of the
community and the dread of its condemnation are
reinforced by the practical considerations which
determine success or failure in life. Conformity to
the standard of business integrity which obtains in the
community is necessary to business success. It is
this consideration, far more frequently than the thought
of the sheriff with a writ of execution, that leads men
lo pay their debts and to keep their contracts. Social
esteem and standing, power and high place in the
professions, in public office, in all associated enterprise,
depend upon conformity to the standards of conduct
in the community. Loss of these is the most terrible
penalty society can inflict. 1 1 is only for the occasional
nonconformist that the sheriff and policemen are kept
in reserve; and it is only because the nonconformists
are occasional and comparatively few in number that
the sheriff and policeman can have any effect at all.
For the great mass of mankind, laws established by

civil society are enforced directly by the power of
public opinion, having, as the sanction for its judgments,
the denial of nearly everything for which men strive
in life.

The rules of international law are enforced by the
same kind of sanction, less certain and peremptory,
but continually increasing in effectiveness of control.
"A decent respect to the opinions of mankind " did
not begin or end among nations with the American
Declaration of Independence ; but it is interesting that
the first public national act in the New World should
be an appeal to that universal international public
opinion, the power and effectiveness of which the New
World has done so much to promote.

In former times, each isolated nation, satisfied with
its own opinion of itself and indifferent to the opinion
of others, separated from all others by mutual ignorance
and misjudgment, regarded only the physical power of
other nations. Gibbon could say of the Byzantine
Empire: *'Alone in the universe, the self-satisfied pride
of the Greeks was not disturbed by the comparison of
foreign merit; and it is no wonder if they fainted in the
race, since they had neither competitors to urge their
speed nor judges to crown their victory." Now, how-
ever, there may be seen plainly the effects of a long-
continued process which is breaking down the isolation
of nations, permeating every country with better

knowledge and underiunding of every other coantry,
spreading throughout the world a knowledge of each
government's conduct to tenre ai a baiit for crtticitin
and judgment, and gradually creating a community of
nations, in which standards of conduct are being
established, and a world-wide public opinion is holding
nations to conformity or condemning them for disre-
gard of the established standards. The improved
facilities for travel and transportation, the enormous
increase of production and commerce, the revival of
colonization and the growth of colonies on a gigantic
scale, the severance of the laborer from the soil,
accomplished by cheap steamship and railway trans-
portation and the emigration agent, the flow and
return of millions of emigrants across national lines,
the amazing development of telegraphy and of the
press, conveying and spreading instant information of
every interesting event that happens in regions how-
ever remote — all have played their part in this change.
Pari passu with the breaking down of isolation,
that makes a common public opinion possible, the
building up of standards of conduct is being accom-
plished by the formulation and establishment of rules
that are being gradually taken out of the domain of
discussion into that of general acceptance — a process
in which the recent conferences at The Hague have
played a great and honorable part. There is no

civilized country now which is not sensitive to this
general opinion, none that is willing to subject itself
to the discredit of standing brutally on its power to
deny to other countries the benefit of recognized rules
of right conduct. The deference shown to this inter-
national public opinion is in due proportion to a
nation's greatness and advance in civilization. The
nearest approach to defiance will be found among
the most isolated and least civilized of countries,
whose ignorance of the world prevents the effect
of the world's opinion; and in every such country
internal disorder, oppression, poverty, and wretch-
edness mark the penalties which warn mankind
that the laws established by civilization for the
guidance of national conduct can not be ignored with
impunity.

National regard for international opinion is not
caused by amour propre alone — not merely by desire
for the approval and good opinion of mankind. Under-
lying the desire for approval and the aversion to gen-
eral condemnation with nations as with the individual,
there is a deep sense of interest, based partly upon
the knowledge that mankind backs its opinions by its
conduct and that nonconformity to the standard of
nations means condemnation and isolation, and partly
upon the knowledge that in the give and take of inter-
national affairs it is better for every nation to secure

the protection of the law by complying with it thaa to
forfeit the law's benefit! by ignoring iL

Beyond all this there ii a consciouinett that in the
nioft important affairs of nations, in thetr political
status, the success of their undertakings and their
processes of development, there is an indefinite and
almost mysterious influence exercised by the general
opinion of the world regarding the nation's character
and conduct. The greatest and strongest govern*
mcnts recognize this influence and act with reference
to it. They dread the moral isolation created by
general adverse opinion and the unfriendly feeling
ihat accompanies it, and they desire general approval
and the kindly feeling that goes with it.

This is quite independent of any calculation upon a
physical enforcement of the opinion of others. It is
iiflicult to say just why such opinion is of importance,
because it is always diflicult to analyze the action of
moral forces; but it remains true and is universally
recognized that the nation which has with it the moral
force of the world's approval is strong, and the nation
which rests under the world's condemnation is weak,
however great its material power.

These are the considerations which determine the
course of national conduct regarding the vast majority
of questions to which are to be applied the rules of
international law. The real sanction which enforces

those rules is the injury which inevitably follows non-
conformity to public opinion ; while, for the occasional
and violent or persistent law-breaker, there always
stands behind discussion the ultimate possibility of
war, as the sheriff and the policeman await the occa-
sional and comparatively rare violators of municipal
law.

Of course, the force of public opinion can be brought
to bear only upon comparatively simple questions and
clearly ascertained and understood rights. Upon
complicated or doubtful questions, as to which judg-
ment is difficult, each party to the controversy can
maintain its position of refusing to yield to the other's
arguments without incurring public condemnation.
Upon this class of questions the growth of arbitration
furnishes a new and additional opportunity for opinion
to act; because, however complicated the question in
dispute may be, the proposition that it should be sub-
mitted to an impartial tribunal is exceedingly simple,
and the proposition that the award of such a tribunal
shall be complied with is equally simple, and the nation
which refuses to submit a question properly the sub-
ject of arbitration naturally invites condemnation.

Manifestly, this power of international public opinion
is exercised not so much by governments as by the
people of each country whose opinions are interpreted
in the press and determine the country's attitude

toward! the nition whose conduct it under consid-
eration. International opinion it the contentut of
individual opinion in the nations. The roost certain
way to promote obedience to the law of nations and
to substitute the power of opinion for the power of
armies and navies is, on the one hand, to foster that
"decent respect to the opinions of mankind" which
found place in the great Declaration of 1776, and on
the other hand, to spread among the people of every
country a just appreciation of international rights and
duties, and a knowledge of the principles and rules of
international law to which national conduct ought to
conform ; so that the general opinion, whose approval
or condemnation supplies the sanction for the law, may
be sound and just and worthy of respect.

ELIHU ROOT

«S

eOUNaL OF DIRECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONaUATlON

Lyman Abbott, N«w Yoiik,

Cmaki.bs Francis Adams, Boston.

Edwin A. Alukkman, Charlottssville, Va.

Charlbs H. Ambs. Boston, Mass.

Richard Babtholdt. M. C, St. Ix>u», Mo.

CupTON R. Brbckbwridcb, Fort Smith, Arkambab.

William J. Bryan, Lincoln, Neb.

T. K. Burton, M. C, Clbvkland, Ohio.

Nicholas Murray Butlbr, New Yoric

Andrew Carnegie, New York.

Edward Cary, New Yoke.

iosErn H. Chuate, New York.
liCHARD H. Dana, Boston, Mass.
Arthur L. Dashf.r, Macon. (Ja.
Horace E. Deminc, New York.
Charles W. Eliot. Cambridge, Mass.

ioHN W. Foster, Washington, I). C.
Iiciiard Watson Giloek, New York.
John Arihur Greene, New York.
Iambs M. C>rkbnwood, Kansas City, Mo.
Franklin H. Head, Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HoUGHTALINC, CHICAGO. IlL.
►avid Star Jordan. Stanford Umiversity, Cau
Edmond Kelly, New York.
Adolph Lewisohn, New York.
Seth Ix)w, New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, New York,
W. A. Mahonv, CoLUMBtTs, Ohio.
Brander Matthews, New York.
W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, Cal.
George B. McClkllan, Mayor or New York.
Levi P. Morton, New Yqrk.
Silas McBee, New York.
Simon Nbwcomb, Washington, D. C.
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Schenectady, N. Y.
Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Mn.

iAMKS Ford Rhodes, Bo<iTON, Mass.
lowARD J. Rogers, Albany, N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington. D. C.
1. G. Schukman, Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Sei.igman, New York.
F. J. V. Skifp, Chicago, III.
William M. Sloane, New York.
Albert K. Smiley. Lake Mohonk, N. Y.
James Speyer, New York.
Oscar S. Stbacs, Washington. D. C.
Mrs. Marv Wood Swift, San Francisco, Cal.
George W. Taylor, M. C, Demopolis, Ai.a.
O. H. TtTTMAs, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN, New York.
Benjamin Tkueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck, Paris, France.
William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Obb.
Andrew D. White, Ithaca, N. Y.

inVINQ PRESa, NEW YORK

International Conciliation

f*RO PA THIA PER OXSrS CONCORVIAM

P>»liiBi«ii*^fcy<»

Ammm BmcIi AMdMlM I

THE UNITFD STATES AND FRANCE

■Y

BARRETT WENDELL

IVul r ol Ei^liA in hUrv>ni \Mmntj

AUGUST. I90e^ NO. 9

Braadi ol ibe AmocmIkm for latenMboMl
64(501 Wen Il6lii SiMl)
f4ewYoikai7

This pamphlet is one of a series upon the common
social, intellectual and commercial features in the life
of the people of the United States and of other coun-
tries. Documents have already been issued dealing
with Japan and with the South American States, and
others of the series on the United States and England,
Germany, Italy, Spain, Canada and Mexico are in
preparation.

So far as the editions of these documents will per-
mit, copies will be sent postpaid, upon publication,
to those persons who make written application there-
for, and the Committee will be glad to send ad-
ditional copies to any names and addresses suggested
by correspondents, either as being those of persons
interested in the work of the Association as a whole,
or in the relations of the United States and any
particular country or countries.

Association for International Conciliation.

American Branch,

Sub-station 84, New York

THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE

An endeavor like this. " to emphasize the common
intellectual, social and commercial features in the life
of the people of France and the United States," must
begin by a clear understanding of what that vague
term — **the people" — means. In any republic it
includes, as civic equals, all citizens; and among the
citizens of any state there must always be wide
divergence of conditions,— economic and moral, to go
no further. Generalization should avoid extremes, of
riches and poverty, fashion and obscurity, saintliness
and crime. It must consider, as the national type,
those who are neither of the cosmopolitan class which
has more or less emerged from the limitations of
nationality nor of that universal laboring class which
has not yet been quite confined within them. Such,
for example, are all professional men and men of
affairs, from the leaders of the bar, or in the universi-
ties, to respectable shop keepers. When one thus
conceives the people of France, the image becomes
fairly distinct. With the people of the United States
the case is different, by reason of the immigration and
the internal migrations which confuse and disturb the
visible surface of American life. The distinctive
traits of American character are probably to l>e found
most definitely in the regions and among the citizens
who have longest thought of themselves as American;
that is, among inhabitants of the Atlantic teaboard who

are descended from families already American in 1776,
and their kinsmen now living in other parts of the
country. The one practicable test of American
nationality is that the man who claims it, as a charac-
teristic and not merely as a political fact, shall think
of himself not as Irish-American, German-American,
or whatever else, but only as American — his personal
ties of foreign origin completely broken or forgotten.
If America is to remain America, the Americans of
the future must come to be the spiritual descendants
of the Americans of the past. By *'the people of
France and the United States," accordingly, we may
agree to mean the sound middle class of both repub-
lics, whose personal traditions are purely national.

Thus considering the peoples in question, one can
hardly fail to perceive, among their most profound
common intellectual traits at the present time, a
conviction that, so far as is humanly possible, every-
body in this world ought to get his deserts — that
accidents of birth or of fortune should not be allowed
to modify individual careers any more than can be
helped. In both countries the chief force brought to
bear on all men alike, to direct them in the ways of
righteousness, used to be religion — in France chiefly
Roman Catholic, in America chiefly Protestant, but
in both spiritually dominant and, on the whole,
fervently sincere. In both countries to-day religion,
at least for the moment, has less command of popu-
lar confidence. For the kind of social or personal
edification which was formerly sought from the clergy
both now look to popular education, at public expense.
The belief in education as the one efllicacious means
of equalizing opportunity seems in both so intense as

in tome aspecu to approach the danger of fupentition
—or at least of confusion of means with ends, of
formulas with resulu. In both, education is for the
while in a sute of transition ; it has abandoned the
methods of the past, and is endeavoring with inspiring
confidence to establish in their stead more efficient
methods for the future. The high degree of technical
training in France — in other words, the prolonged
traditions of French civilization — must necessarily
stand in strong contrast with the somewhat fluctuating
standards of a country which a century ago was mostly
wilderness. The education of France, technically
better throughout than that of America, seems on the
whole more exposed to the danger of cramping the
pupil; that of America, disturbingly superficial in
many respects, at least leaves inborn energy rather
more untrammelled, and perhaps displays more power
of influencing morals. Each country might learn
from the other, particularly, in point of standards,
America from France. But both agree, most funda-
mentally, in somewhat petulant faith that the safe-
guard of the state is knowledge — that if we seek the
truth the truth shall make us and shall keep us free.
And in both freedom means, at bottom, the liberty of
the individual to achieve his utmost.

How clearly defined these convictions are in the
popular mind is another question. There can be little
doubt, however, that the forces which have brought
them into being have much in common with those
which are producing the most obvious social fact now
common to France and the U nited. States. This is what
may variously be called centralization, or the depopu-
lation of the country, or the growth of citiea.

Obvious in France, at least since the time of Richelieu,
to a degree which many critics have held nationally
morbid, this has insensibly become almost as evident
throughout America. The fact that for reasons both
historical and geographical — springing both from the
origins and from the comparatively limited extent of
the country — the single centre of France is Paris can
only momentarily postpone our recognition of tend-
encies in America closely analagous to those which
at times have made Paris, as capital of the most
highly civilized nation in Europe, the virtual capital
of the civilized world. It was evidently so at certain
periods of the seventeenth, the eighteenth and the
nineteenth centuries. The pervasiveness of its elder
influence is one reason why it is not indisputably so
to-day. So, during the nineteenth century, Boston,
the chief city of eastern New England, — the true
Yankee capital, — not only insensibly drew to itself
the most able men from the rural country within its
range, but virtually absorbed the ability of the New
England towns which were once its rivals, such as
Salem, Newburyport, or Portsmouth. So, at the
present time, Boston itself is being slowly drained
by the economic superiority of New York and by the
greater political and social intensity of life in Wash-
ington. And what is true in New England seems
generally true throughout the United States. The
cities attract from the country the ablest and the
most energetic people, leaving behind mostly those
who have not energy enough to be even restless; and
the greater centres of population exercise a similar
influence over the cities which for any reason stay
smaller.

Social coDcentratioo mail everywhere ioTolTe con*
ccntration not only of social power but of locial
diftease. It ia concerning ceruin phases of this that
the most deep mutual misunderstandings arise between
Frenchmen and Americans. Human conduct and
misconduct everywhere are about the same: but, in
some respects, the impulse of the French to sute
things as they are goes to the extreme of over-
emphasis on evil, and the impulse of Americans to
believe things as they ought to be results in placid
denial of facts to which eyes may comfortably be
closed. Perhaps the most obvious aspect of the
misunderstanding now in mind concerns the subject
of divorce. Whatever statistics may aver, divorce is
unusual among the personal acquaintance of respect-
able .Americans; so, thcr is every reason to believe,
are irregular domestic establishments among the same
class of people in France. Throughout France, how-
ever, the popular conception of marriage is deeply
affected by its sacramental character in the Roman
Catholic Church; throughout America, it is as deeply
affected by its essentially civil character among the
Knglish Puritans of the seventeenth century. So the
modern American view of divorce is apt to impress
the French as hypocritically immoral, and the occa-
sional irregularity of French unions is apt to impress
Americans as shamelessly so. Austere critics might
pronounce the two peoples equally right ; more merci-
ful ones might better point out that they are equally
mistaken.

It is an analagous, though not quite similar, mis-
understanding which prevents the Americans and the
French from generally perceiving how much their

commercial life has in common. In a country of
which the material development has been so great as
that of America during the past century, nothing
could prevent the accumulation of sudden and some-
times accidental fortunes, nor the consequent con-
spicuousness of adventurous or even reckless spirits
among men of affairs. In a country so differently
conditioned as nineteenth-century France, nothing
could avert the obviousness among such men of a
tendency to somewhat frugal thrift. The typical
American spends rather too freely; the typical French-
man saves with a caution approaching timidity. So
much one must candidly admit. On the other hand,
the general belief among the French that a normal
American man of business is a daring speculator — a
sort of glorified gambler — is completely mistaken; and
so is the general American belief that the normal
French man of business, if not a gambler, is little bet-
ter than a miser. In point of fact, whoever has had
wide acquaintance among the commercial classes in
both countries must agree that in both the most vitally
characteristic type is one of prudent enterprise. Your
French man of affairs and your American alike desire
to end each year as solidly as they began it, and with
as much more range and power, of commercial sort,
as is consistent with avoidance of unreasonable risk.

On this pointy the actual state of family fortunes in
the two countries is instructive. The present code of
French law compels people in general to leave the
greater part of their property to members of their
families. No such limitation of testamentary free-
dom exists in America. But something surprisingly
like it occurs, as an act of free will, on the part of so

many prosperous Americans that it may well be taken
as an assertion of national character. A typical
American, to be sure, bequeathes something to charity,
or to public purposes; but, in the case of men with
children, or with other near relatives, this is rarely
enough to impair the remaining estate. And this
remaining estate is so seldom given outright to its
inheritor that elaborate creations of trust, carefully
defined by express direction of testators, may be said
to be rather the rule than the exception. Not long
ago, indeed, a foreign student of law and economics,
after a few weeks' study of present conditions in
New York and in New England, pleasantly said that
more property there was actually managed by the
dead for the bene6t of their families than has ever
been the case anywhere else in the whole course of
recorded history. True or not in this extreme form,
the statement indicates how much the codified law of
France has in common with the uncontrolled impulse
of America, when the question arises of providing for
one's posterity.

National characters must always present diversity,
and diversity must always be more conspicuous than
likeness. Yet words like these, if they can help French-
men and Americans to perceive some of the many like-
nesses which underlie their national diversities, may
not be vain. For in moments of tension — and even
among the nearest of friends moments of tension must
sometimes arise — they may do their part to remind each
that among the deeper causes of tension throughout
history have lurked needle<is miMinderstandings.

bAKRETT WENDELL

COUNCIL OF OBJECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONCILIATION

LvMiUf Amott. Nbw Yomi,

rSAMCW AOAMS, BOtTOM.

A. AuMiBMAM, CuAMtaftrwmnuM^ Va.
H. Attn. Bonott, Mam.
UteuAmo BAtnwoun, M. C. St. Lovn, Mo.
CurroH R. Baaaomooa, roar Sumi, AacAMA^

WOUAM J. BaVAM. I.IHCutM. NbA.

T. K. Btfiroii, ^i Omo.

NlCMOCA* MOMIA Ve«K.

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Bow«> New \oiiK.

toMir ra, Nsw YoaK.

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Hoiuai B. DsMwo, Naw Yoml
Cmaiiiu W. Euot. CAMBaiooa, Mam.

> . ! >«T««. WAMtltlOTOM, D. C.

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H r.RasMa, Naw Yoax.

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N^D. PrmMmoM, Pa.

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XHVINO ?»SS, NEW YOlX

International CoNcitiAfirtN

THE APPROACH OF THE TWO AM^R^\S

28. 1906

PJfO PA TRIA PBR OR BIS COATCORJi,

IdT

JOAQUIM NABUCX). LLD.

olBraza

SEPTEMBER. 1908. NO. 10

of iIm AMocMtan lot

84(501 W«ill6ib Sum)
IStwYoikGiT

The Executive ^omimticc ot ims Association desires
to express its thanks to the Brazilian Ambassador for
his courteous permission to publish this important
contribution to the cause of International Conciliation.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, copies of the
following documents, published by the Association,
will be sent postpaid upon application.

1. Program of the Association, by Baron d'Estour-
nelles de Constant. April, 1907.

2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace
Congress, by Andrew Carnegie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie.
November, 1907.

4. The Results of the Second Hague Conference,
by Baron d'Estournelles de Constant and Hon. David
Jayne Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by
James Brown Scott. January, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between
North and South America, by L. S. Rowe. April, 1908.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd.
June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu
Root. July, 1908.

9. The United States and France, by Barrett
Wendell. August, 1908.

Association for International Conciliation.

American Branch,

Sub-station 84, New York.

Executive Committee of the American Branch
Nicholas Murray BtrrLKS Richard Watson Gildbr

Richard Bartholot Skth Low

Lyman Abbott Stbphbn Hknry Oliw

Jambs Spbykb Andrbw D. Whitb

THE APPROACH OF THE TWO AMERICAS

AddM Mow iIm Uaimdiy el Oac^
2811906

I am proud to address this University, worthy of a
city which, for its sudden gigantic growth, is the
wonder of the world and which is the foremost of all
the great experiment stations of americanization. In
Chicago, better than anywhere else, one can follow
the short process by which any foreign plant is made
to bear in one or two seasons of acclimation genuine
American fruit. Here we are at one of the gates of
the world, through which enter new social conceptions,
new forms of being; at one of the sources of modem
civilization. The tribute to science, from which this
University sprung, is the most beneficent tribute
which wealth could ever pay to mankind To increase
the rate at which science grows is without comparison
the greatest service that could be rendered to the
Imman race. Religion will be powerless to bring to
earth the kingdom of God without the help of science
at a state of advancement of which we cannot yet
even have an. idea. By increasing the number of men
able to use the delicate tools of science, to understand
its many languages, and to acquire its higher senses,
the universities work faster than any other agency
for that advanced state of knowledge, through which
the condition of man will some day be entirely trans-
formed.

Words fail me to express my appreciation of the
call I received to speak before you. I am bouod to

take the honor as a distinguished personal obligation,
but allow me to see in it chiefly a sign of your sym-
pathy with the work of drawing the two Americas
close together. Much as the future generations will
wonder at the progress of our time they will wonder
still more that the two great sections of our continent
did remain so late in history almost unknown to each
other. One reason of their isolation was that many
spirits in Latin America were for a long time afraid
of a too close contact with you, owing to the great
difference of power between this and every other
American nation. On its side the United States,
being a world by itself, and a world growing faster
each day, has always opposed to any such movements
the strongest of all possible resistances, that of
indifference. Fortunately a new cry begins already to
resound everywhere. Suspicion is being replaced by
confidence, and, if the universities take in hand the
policy of Secretary Root, indifference, in its turn, will
give way to the feeling of continental kinship.

In Brazil, I must say, the leading statesmen were
never afraid of associating with this country. As soon
as the message of President Monroe, of December,
1823, was received in Rio de Janeiro, the Brazilian
Government proposed to the United States an offensive
and defensive alliance on the basis of that message,
alleging that sacrifices such as those implied in it for
the benefit of Latin America should not be accepted
gratuitously. The proposal was delayed in trans-
mission and there was another delay in the acknowledg-
ment; Henry Clay, who in the meanwhile had been
made Secretary of State, answered at last that the

American Cfuvcrnmcnt uui not iorctce any danger
that would justify an alliance; but from the spirit of
that offer we never had cause to deviate, and, as no
disappointment ever came to us, we never expected
any would come to others from adopting the course
we had /ollowed since our Independence.

It was oDce said that the society of any Latin
country with yov reminded one of the company, in
Lafontaine's fable, of the eacthenware with the iron
pot. I do not think the comparison just to any of
the Latin republics. With an unbreakable cohesion
none has anything to fear for its nationality. What is
essential for a nation is to crystallize; to bring all its
parts to a same symmetrical form of its own, the
design of a common national sentiment; once that
done, and I think such is the case with all Latin
America, it would never break like earthenware. You
with your high civilization can do no wrong to any
nation. Intimate contact with you will, therefore,
under whatever conditions, bring only good and
progress to the other party.

The only certain effect I can see of a permanent
and intimate intercourse of Latin America with you
is that it would be slowly americaniud; that is, that it
would be, in different measures, penetrated with your
optimism, your self-reliance and your energy. It
would be a treatment by electricity. I do not mean
that we would ever attain your speed. Nor do we
wish it. You have broken the record of human ac-
tivity without breaking the rhythm of life. You have
made a new rhythm for yourselves. We could never
do that. For the Latin v^cts festina iemU is the rule

of health and stability. And let me say it is good for
mankind that all its races do not go at the same step,
that they do not all run. The reign of science has
not yet begun, and only in the age of science man-
kind might attain to uniformity without beginning at
once to decay. Dignity of life, culture, happiness,
freedom, may be enjoyed by nations moving slowly,
provided they move steadily forward.

Take one common point in our destiny. We must
all be immigration countries. But in order to be able
to oppose to whatever foreign immigration a national
spirit capable of turning it quickly into patriotic citi-
zenship, as you do, the assimilating power of the Latin
organism need everywhere be much increased. Im-
migration countries must have the necessary strength
to assimilate all that they absorb. For that a strong
patriotism does not suffice. Patriotism is intense in
almost every nation, and in none perhaps more so than in
the tribes without history. The Romans were not more
patriotic than the Lusitanians. It is not patriotism
that conquers immigration. Through our intercourse
with you we would see what it is that conquers it.
You owe your unparalleled success, as an immigra-
tion country, first of all to your political spirit. With-
out it you would have, owing to your soil and your
race, no end of foreign guests; you would not have
the endless number of citizens that they soon become
here. The American political spirit is a combination
of the spirit of individual liberty with the spirit of
equality. Liberty alone would not convert the for-
eign immigrant into a new citizen; we do not hear
of foreigners taking the nationality of the free Euro-

pean countries to which they emigrate. Equality it a
more powerful agent. The European immigrant rites
focially in America, and that if what makes him wish
to be an American. But if your progress did not
offer him something also of which to be proud as a
citisen, he would not take so generally a new na*
tionality. It is the progress of your country, the
place it has made for itself in the world, that helps
with national pride the spirit of liberty and equality
in winning over to you the millions of immigrants
who try life in America. Intercourse with you would
teach the American countries the secret of winning
over the immigrants that come to them and of at-
tracting them in larger numbers. That would be by
far the most useful teaching they could receive, be-
cause when they knew and succeeded in transforming
into true citizens their immigrants, the great national
problem would be solved for each of them. To un-
derstand that they must all be immigration countries
and to create the proper immigrant-^ii^i/ii/ they need
study immigration in your laboratory.

I would not end if I attempted to mention all the
good that Latin America would derive from a close
intercourse with the United States. What you per*
haps would prefer to hear is what good would you
derive from that intercourse. I will tell you frankly
that that good would be, at first, only the good that
comes from making friends; but I believe there is no
more substantial good than that for a nation which is
the leader of a continent.

The question is to know if you have made up your
mind that this continent should be for each of its

nations a prolongation of her native soil; that some
kind of tie should make of it a single moral unit in
history. Was the Monroe doctrine inspired to you
only by the fear of seeing Europe extending its par-
allel spheres of influence over America, as it has
later on done over Africa, and as it almost succeeded
in doing over Asia, endangering in that way your soli-
tary position ? Or were you also moved by the intui-
tion that this is a new world, born with a common
destiny ? I strongly believe that the Monroe doctrine
was inspired even more by this American instinct,
take the word American in the sense of continental,
than by any fear of danger to yourselves. By all means
in that doctrine was outlined a whole foreign policy,
from which this country has never swerved, from
Monroe to Cleveland and to Roosevelt, from Clay to
Blaine and to Root. This constancy, this continuity,
is the best proof that your American policy obeys to
a deep continental instinct, and is not only a measure
of national precaution and self-defence. That pol-
icy has kept you away from the maze of European
diplomacy, in which without the Monroe doctrine
you would probably have been induced to enter.

One understands very well the traditional reluc-
tance of the United States to contract war alliances.
The allies of to-day are the rivals of a few years ago,
and the system of alliances must ever be a revolving
one. But there is a foreign policy that is passing
and dangerous and another that is permanent and
safe. The passing foreign policy is any by which a
nation secures help thinking of herself only, that is,
by which it uses another nation as her instrument;

the permanent foreign policy if that by which a
nation tries to accomplish with another a common
destiny. The difference between the permanent and
the temporary foreign policy is that the latter mast
take the form of a written alliance, of a formal engage-
ment^ with a fixed term of duration. Alliances are
transitory, unelastic and full of dangers, while the
spontaneous concurrence in the same lines of action
is the natural development of each nation's destiny.
Alliance supposes war; free co-operation supposes
peace and mutual help through sympathy and good
will. You keep away from the entangling ailianeet
which the Father of your country deprecated, and yet
a concentration of the American republics with the
idea that they all form, under different flags, a single
political system is already a moral alliance.

This idea has made much progress in the last four
years, and I trust it will not lack in this country the
enthusiasm it needs to grow. Secretary Root's visit
to Latin America will indeed remain a historical
landmark in the relations of our continent, like
Monroe's message of 1823, and Blaine's initiative of
the Pan-American movement. One can call this policy
a dual creation, because, if Blaine moulded the group
of the united American nations, it was Root who
put in it life and movement.

The Pan-American conferences, besides the work
they achieve with their periodical meetings, do much
good simply by being a permanent institution. In
this way they act even during their intervals of four
years. Take the movement which led to the experi-
ment now being tried in Central America, of an inter-

national court, which is really an essay of organized
Peace in a region so much tried by political shocks.
You can see in it the development of the interest
which the United States has frankly avowed of seeing
order and peace permanently established beforehand
in the whole zone around the future Panama Canal;
but no doubt the co-operation of the United States,
and Mexico, with the Central American republics
was a development also of the mutual confidence
created through our continent by the Pan-American
conferences, chiefly by the last one of Rio Janeiro.
It would be indeed a pity if those proud and brave
little nations, whose citizenship is open to each other
in a spirit unknown among any other countries of the
world, did not succeed in reducing politics to a con-
test under strict rules to be maintained by their own
appointed umpires. The Carthago Court should be
hailed as one of the most deserving of modern political
undertakings. All America is in sympathy with
those brave small communities, strongly imbued with
the national spirit, in their effort to create a Peace
Amphictyony in the tract of land dividing the two
oceans and uniting the two Americas.

But the Pan-American conferences are not sufficient
to carry out the idea which inspired their creation.
No doubt the governments speak in them for the
nations and the views they present are national views,
which would have the support of all the parties; but
congresses of official delegates do not touch at the
delicate points, which there is everywhere a tendency
to hide from public view. The Pan-American con-
ferences are diplomatic assemblies; the peoples do

not mix tn them to tell each other their wrongt, to
appeal to each other's lympathy; the question of the
internal progress of any community is not one in
which diplomacy could openly help. So, by the side
of our conferences, there is place for a larger factor,
to which Mr. Root has once alluded: for a Pan*
American public opinion.

In our days we have seen the parliamentary principle
more or less recognized by the old absolute mon-
archies: Russia, Japan, Persia, and now Turkey. No
one would wonder if China joined them. That is the
best evidence of the leveling force of the world's
opinion. This opinion of the world no doubt exer-
cises already a considerable influence upon all the
American countries. One cannot say that any Ameri-
can republic has been impervious to it. It would be
absurd to imagine any nation of our continent insen-
sible and closed to an influence which has affected
and transformed politically Buddhist and Mahometan
societies. Revolution has become much rarer in Latin
.\merica. In regions where it used to be frequent it
has not been heard of for nearly half a century; the
area where revolution continues active at long inter-
vals has become much reduced; but even where
revolutions occur frequently the old general revolu-
tionary state of anarchy has ceased to exist, order is
always shortly restored. Revolution seems the act
of the man to whom the power of keeping order has
passed; it is a terrifying storm, but no longer a
sweeping hurricane. Still, together with that distant
and dispersed opinion of the world, which has already
done much, we need a common American onii/utn.

magnified by concentration and by direct reflection
from nation to nation.

Only the progress of that opinion can, for instance,
render obsolete the right of asylum. The Positivist
saying is as true as it is deep: ** One only destroys
what one replaces." You cannot destroy the right of
asylum, if you do not put in its place some other
thing that will fulfill better the function which called it
forth. That ** right" was only replaced in the world
by the progress of justice. If law and justice were to
become intermittent, the right of asylum would again
reappear everywhere. This is one of the most ancient
and the noblest traditions of mankind. You could
not suppress it by killing pity and generosity; they
cannot be killed; you can only suppress it by increas-
ing the protections of the law and the sense of justice.

A common American public opinion will polish to
the greatest perfection the political institutions of all
the American States, but that general opinion is still
in formation. Its initial or preparatory phase is bound
to be continental publicity; publicity, not only unfet-
tered, but dispassionate, enlightened and true, begin-
ning with inviolate freedom of the press. When that
opinion will be fully grown, the membership of the
union of the American republics will mean immunity
for each of them, not only from foreign conquest, but
also from arbitrary rule and suspension of public and
individual liberty.

In the influence of that opinion common to all
America a large part is reserved to the universities of
the continent, to its educators, and none of our coun-
tries could be compared to yours for the extent and

the multiplication oi iit» c«it:< iv iial workf. No doubt
the principal agents of ih.ii '^'.nion will be the book
and the press. Allow me to express the hope that to
all our countries the writers will think of the sensi-
itviiy of the foreign nations. Sympathy is always
necessary to do good. First of all one should educate
himself to tolerate diversity in the human race. The
world would be very near its end, if all the countries
spoke the same language. Let all feel sure that God
must have had some good reason for creating different
human races, instead of only one. By accustoming
themselves to this idea the foreign critic will have
more forbearance, more patience, will make greater
effort to understand, and with that his interest will
grow, his mental range will become enlarged and he
will then be able to improve, instead of only exasperat-
ing, the condition with which he finds fault.

Understanding that the reason for my being here
was your wish to show interest in the new Pan-
American policy, I have made of that policy the theme
of my address. I hope I was not wrong in the belief
that the subject was in harmony with the spirit of the
present occasion. This ceremony could be compared
to the launching of new crafts on the sea of American
active citizenship. At the starting of their career, I
wished to express to them my earnest hope that
together with the world-wide transformations to be
brought about in their time, and which we cannot even
imagine, they will see all the States of the two
Americas knowing, loving and entertaining each other
as members of one same family among the nations.

COUNCIL OF DIRECnON FOR TME ANlEKiCAN DR^VSCH

OF THE ASSOaATlON FOR INTERNA! laSAL

CONOUATION

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Akobbw D. Whitb, Ithaca, N. Y.

International Conciliation

PRO FA TklA PER ORBIS CONCORDiAM

THE UNITEX) STATES AND> B^^^fii \ ^

J. s. w

Olthe .

OCTOBER. I9O0.no. II

Bruck of ike AaMoatioo for li

64(501 Wert I I61I1
r4«wYoikGly

INTRODUCTION

The Executive Committee is glad to have the oppor-
tunity to present to the readers of its Documents the
following outspoken statement of the relations be-
tween the United States and her nearest and closest
neighbor. The article is by a Canadian and is frankly
from the Canadian point of view and, for this reason,
is all the more valuable to readers in the United
States.

The pamphlet is one of a series upon the common
social, intellectual and commercial features in the life
of the people of the United States and other countries.
Documents have already been issued dealing with
Japan, with the South American States, and with
France, and others of the series on the United States
and England, Germany, Italy, Spain and Mexico are
in preparation.

So far as the editions of these documents will per-
mit, copies will be sent postpaid, upon publication, to
those persons who make written application therefor,
and the Committee will be glad to send additional
copies to any names and addresses suggested by corres-
pondents, either as being those of persons interested
in the work of the Association as a whole, or in the
relations of the United States and any particular
country or countries.

Association for International Conciuation,

American Branch,

Sub-Station 84, New York.

Executive Committee of the American Branch

Nicholas Murray Butlrr Richard Watson Gilobr

Richard Baktholdt Sbth Low

Lyman Abbott Stbphbn Hbnry Glim

Jambs Spbybr Anursw D. Whitb

THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA

During the war between the United Sutct and Spain
a movement wat set on foot in Canada for the organ-
iaation of a League which should be devoted to the
cultivation and maintenance of good relations between
the Dominion and the Republic. Nothing subsuntial
wat accomplished, and possibly there was no adequate
reason for organized action to express good will towards
the American people. Inspired by British example,
however, the press and public men of Canada were
entirely sympathetic and correct in all their utterances
during the conflict, and Canadians came to under-
stand, as never before, the prescience of British sutes-
men in seeking a good understanding with Washington
and the high disciplinary value of international re-
sponsibilities.

There have been two abiding causes of friction
between this country and the United States, — the tariff
and the fisheries. Canada has often felt that Wash-
ington has been hard and unneighborly, and that its
claims and contentions have not received adequate
support from the British authorities. The abrogation
of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1854, and. later, the
termination of the fishery clauses of the Treaty of
Washington caused irritation and commercial disturb-
ance in Canada. The failure of Congress to ratify
the Fisheries Treaty of 1888 was deeply regretted as
prolonging a source of friction and danger between
the two countries. The McKinley and Dingley tariffs

bore heavily upon Canadian trade with the United
States, and Cleveland's Venezuela message was re-
sented by the mass of the Canadian people. Again,
the Alaskan Boundary Award was believed to express
a diplomatic rather than a judicial settlement, and
the refusal of the Canadian Commissioners to sign
the treaty naturally excited a feeling in Canada of
dissatisfaction alike with Washington and with West-
minster.

All this is said not in order to revive old animosities
or to emphasize grounds of difference, but to illustrate
the intimacy of the political relations between the two
countries, and the necessity for dealing with these
relations in a judicial temper and with the prudence
and wisdom of a responsible statesmanship. One re-
sult of the fiscal measures of Washington was to force
Canada into closer trade relations with Great Britain,
and to compel Canadian farmers to adapt their products
to the British market. This necessitated a revolution
in Canadian agricultural methods, and during the pro-
cess of transition the producers of the country lay
under a serious depression. In the course of a few
years, however, the country adjusted itself to the
situation. Now the farmers of the older Provinces
confine themselves chiefly to the production of cheese,
butter and bacon and to the various branches of stock
raising, and these, like the grain crop of the West,
find a market mainly in Great Britain. Contemporary
with this change in agricultural methods the country
proceeded energetically with the improvement of its
waterways, the extension of its railway system and the
settlement of the western territories. The net result
of this vigorous policy of internal development and

urstcMi sriiicinciit, ahsifttcd hy a jHrnoii oi world-wide
pi.'^ju rity, was to change materially the natioiuil out-
look and to check any movement for reciprocal trade
relations with Washington.

With the revival of agriculture, through trade with
Great Britain and the increasing market for Canadian
manufactures in the expanding West, the United States
market naturally became less necessary to Canada, and
the prejudices and irritations which a tariff war breeds
began to soften and disappear. With national growth
came fiscal independence and with Ascal independence
a better feeling toward the Republic. Moreover, the
improving relations between Great Britain and the
United States has sensibly affected opinion in Canada,
while in all recent dealings with Washington, and in
the general utterances of American statesmen and
American newspapers affecting the Dominion there has
been little or nothing to excite protest or to give
ground for resentment. It is fair to remember that if
the weaker nation is likely to be the more sensitive, it
is certain to answer quickly to considerate treatment
from a powerful neighbor.

It is understood that Sir Wilfrid Laurier, the Prime
Minister of Canada, who cherishes a high regard for
the American people and American institutions, and is
invariably courteous and sympathetic in his references
to the United States, endeavored in 1898 and 1899,
through the medium of the Joint High Commission,
which sat at Quebec and Washington, to effect a
permanent adjustment of all outsunding differences
between the two countries. The position of the Cana-
dian Prime Minister was that a treaty which covered
only a few of the questions under consideration and

left other problems unsolved could give no guarantee
of complete and enduring amity. He strove, there-
fore, for a wide and comprehensive convention. An
enumeration of the subjects considered illustrates very
completely how many points of contact there are be-
tween the two countries. These embraced trade rela-
tions; reciprocity in wrecking; uniform close seasons
for fishing in the Great Lakes and contiguous waters
and regulations for restocking the sources of supply;
the convention of 1817, which limits the number of
war vessels to be maintained on the Great Lakes and
a proposal to permit vessels constructed at Amer-
ican lake ports to reach the sea through the Canadian
canals; the alien labor laws affecting workmen passing
between the two countries; the railway bonding sys-
tem; the abrogation or purchase of Canadian rights in
the fur fisheries of Behring Sea; the boundary between
Canada and Alaska; and the settlement of Canadian
rights in the Atlantic fisheries.

It is believed that outside of the fisheries, reciprocal
trade, and the Alaskan boundary, the British and
American plenipotentiaries reached a substantial basis
of agreement. Now, however, the trade issue has
ceased to be acute. Canada no longer seeks tariff
concessions at Washington nor quarrels with American
fiscal legislation. The policy of both political parties
in Canada has become frankly protectionist. The
fiscal attitude of the United States has ceased to be
an issue in Canadian political contests, and the con-
sideration of Canadian industrial interests is not in-
fluenced by international enmities. Any disposition at
Washington to lower duties on Canadian products
would be sympathetically regarded by the Canadian

people, but the maintenance of eiitting impotti , or of
any tariff which did not directly diftcriminate against
the Dominion would not be treated as a ground of
offense to that country. There is reason to think that
the Canadian Parliament will continue to give prefer*
ential treatment to British goods, and it is assumed
that this is a domestic question, a question within the
Empire, a course of policy to which the American
Congress can take no exception. There is nothing,
therefore, in trade relations to prevent a good under-
standing between Canada and the United States, while
the Alaskan Boundary has been removed from the
field of international controversy.

Oood progress is making towards common regula-
tions for the protection of the lake fisheries, and there
have been recent instances of vigorous action by the
American authorities to compel their observance by
American fishermen. The Waterways Commission has
been engaged for many months in determining the
rights of the respective countries in international
waters, devising measures for the protection of the
scenic beauty of Niagara; for maintaining lake levels,
and for the settlement of other conflicting interests
along the far-running international boundary, in a
judicial temper and with a sensitive concern for the
fair claims of both countries and the circumstances of
the various local communities affected, which has con-
tributed greatly to good feeling between Ottawa and
Washington, and is likely to result in such settled
methods of procedure for the future as will ensure
that deliberation and investigation which are the best
safeguard against intemperate political agitation and
premature legislative action. We come last to the

Atlantic fisheries, where Canada believes its rights
under the treaty of x8i8 have never received adequate
recognition from the American Government.

Under this treaty United States fishermen may enter
the bays and harbors of Canada only for the purpose
of repairs and to procure wood and water. It is con-
tended, however, that this clause does not cover the
Bay of Fundyand the Bay of Chaleursand that Amer-
ican vessels may be excluded only from bays that are
less than six miles wide at the mouth. In effect, the
Americans claim the right to fish anywhere within
three miles from the land, while Canada claims that
the line should be drawn from headland to headland,
and that fishing should not be permitted within three
miles from the coast line as so defined. The inter-
pretation of this treaty has led to serious misunder-
standing and even to danger of conflict. Practically
the treaty has been in abeyance since 1888 and Amer-
ican fishermen operate in Canadian waters on payment
of a license fee under a modus vivendi. In the eighties,
following the termination of the fishery clauses of the
treaty of Washington, Canada entered upon the vigor-
ous enforcement of the treaty of 1818. American ves-
sels were seized, some were condemned and all craft
seeking to poach upon the Canadian fishing grounds
were harassed by government cruisers. As a result,
American opinion was inflamed and a very serious
situation developed.

There was some feeling in Canada that the opera-
tions of the protective fleet were unnecessarily spirited
and in the United States there was harsh characteri-
zation of the treaty of 1818 and angry denunciation
of the policy of the Canadian authorities. It was

contended that the spirit of the old treaty wat bmrth
and unneighborly ; that its provitioni were repognant
to the relations which should exist between friendly
communities, and that the attitude of Canada was
aggressive, defiant and obnoxious to the prestige and
dignity of the United States. Out of this situation
came the treaty of 1888, which Congress failed to
ratify, and the modus vivendi which still governs the
operations of American fishing vessels in Canadian
waters. Now, however, it is reported that the whole
question of American fishing rights in the coast waters
of Canada and Newfoundland will be submitted for
final adjudication to the Hague Tribunal, and there is
no doubt that any such reference will be welcomed
and the subsequent decision cheerfully accepted by the
great body of the Canadian people. Thus would dis*
appear the one outstanding danger to permanent good
relations between the two countries and the one sense
of grievance which Canada entertains toward the
neighboring country.

It hardly needs to be said that the forces which
make for unity and co-operation vastly outweigh the
influences which tend to friction and separation.
American capital is invested in many Canadian enter-
prises. Tens of thousands of American settlers are
finding homes in the Prairie Provinces and by common
consent constitute one of the best elements of the
population. Still cherishing a natural affection for the
Surs and Stripes, they are loyal citizens of Canada
and bound to be influential in determining the char-
acter of Canadian institutions. On this continent will
centre the empire of the English speaking races, and,
for good or evil, all nations which speak the English

tongue will show something of its temper, borrow
something of its customs and yield something to its
ascendancy. Canada, in particular, must be pro-
foundly affected in its social fashions, in its political
life, and in the general type of civilization which it
develops by its close geographical relation to the
United States. In art and letters there are no na-
tional divisions. Organized labor tends to become an
international unit. Employers' organizations assume
an international character. The universities have
great common aims and interests. Upon either side
we follow with eager sympathy the strivings of the
masses for social and political betterment and the
faithful labors of statesmen and scholars and philan-
thropists and reformers for the extension of knowl-
edge, the alleviation of human distress and the abate-
ment of evil circumstances and conditions. In the
work that is best worth doing the two countries have
common aims, and it should not be difficult to import
into international relations the spirit which character-
izes all their endeavor for social improvement and for
industrial and political reform.

More and more Canada recognizes the limitations of
national courtesy and the responsibilities of national
sovereignty. The Dominion becomes more and more
an independent nation within the British Empire, and
more and more the dominant partner in all interna-
tional negotiations affecting British interests in North
America. This is not to say that Canada will always
subordinate Imperial interests to Canadian interests,
but only that it shall have the determining voice in
any diplomatic settlement affecting Canada, and that
Canadian interests shall rank as Imperial interests in

future neg<n:.iti>ns with the United States. In thb
way, Canaili.i!i> Ix-Ik-vc, lie peace, co-operation and
good neighborhood. They desire only rational trade
relations, a fair observance of treaties and a fraok
recognition of their right to make their own position
on this continent. Whether the principle of freedom
or of restriction shall prevail in their commercial
relations rests with Congress. They do not ask the
government at Washington for privileges in American
markets for which they cannot give compensation in
Canadian markets. They do not ask for privileges
for Canadian railways that are not fairly earned by
services rendered to the border communities and to
American through traffic. They do not seek through
deliberate unneighborliness to deny the American
people fair access to their natural resources. But they
do not think the United States should quarrel with
('anadian legislation that is designed to secure for
Canadians the largest benefits from these resources,
or that Washington should expect Canada to welcome
American legislation that may be designed to make
Its resources tributary to the progress and prosperity
of American communities.

It is Canada's right and privilege to legislate with a
single eye to Canadian interests. It is likewise its
right and privilege to establish a preferential trading
relationship with Great Britain. It would be unwise
and ungenerous to discriminate against the United
States for the advantage of any foreign country or to
endeavor to effect estrangement between Great Briuin
and the Republic. It is plain to all the world that
Great Britain desires a good understanding with Wash-
ington and is deaf and blind even to ansympathetic

manifestations of American opinion. International
good manners marks the completed civilization of a
people and it comes only from responsible dealing with
world problems. In a common speech and a common
faith there should be the seeds of good neighborhood
and out of a common devotion to the higher ends of
civilization should come mutual sympathy and co-
operation. In the ancient monarchy of Britain there
is no menace to free institutions and no bar to co-
operation between Washington and Westminster.

Natural guardians of constitutional freedom, natural
allies in social and political reform, natural coworkers
for the moral elevation of the race, estrangement
between these countries is unnatural and unchristian;
a war between these countries would be a crime against
civilization. Hence these two great English speaking
nations should agree to submit all cases of dispute and
misunderstanding to an arbitration tribunal and should
empower the responsible ministers of each country to
seek judgment from this tribunal independent of con-
gressional or parliamentary initiative and authority.
The vanities of power and possession are as native
in a democracy as in any despot-ruled, war-making
empire the world has ever seen ; aggression easily
assumes the disguise of a crusade for the protection
of national honor, and a whole people go mad with
the lust of conquest. Here lies the necessity for a
permanent tribunal and means for its instant and
effective operation. Preparatory to the creation of
this tribunal there should be a comprehensive adjust-
ment of all outstanding differences between the two
countries. It is essential that the settlement should
be complete and comprehensive, for we gain little if

we effect one adjuttment to-day and leave other con-
trovertiet raging and other Ufuet unsettled. Thus
may we realize Thomas F. Bayard's vision of **a well
assured, steady, healthful relationship, devoid of petty
jealousies and filled with the fruits of a prosperity
arising out of a friendship cemented by mutual inter-
ests, and enduring because based upon justice."

J. S. WILLISON.

CXXJNCILOF DIRECnON FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOQATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONCILIATION

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Iambs Sfsybb, Nbw Youc

OBCAB S. StBAVB, WABmHOTOM. D. C

IIbb. Mabv Wood Swtrr, Sak Fbamcmco, Cau
GaoMK W. Tatlob, M. C, Dbmokmjb* Ala.
O. R. TrmtAM, Wabkimotom, D. C
W. H. ToLMAM, Nbw Yomc

BbmJAMIM TMt-BBtOOOt BOBTOM, Mah.

E»WA«o TtxK, Pamb, Fbamcb.

WtlXIAM D. WHBBLWBMUrr, PoBTLAMtS ObS.

Amnsw D. Wmitb, It«aca, N. Y.

IRVINO PRE8«, NEW VON»

International Conciliation

/»/rci PATH I A PER OK BIS COXi'O

THE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES AND
JAPAN IN THE FAR EAST

Text oi Notes Exdunsed on November 30. 1906

NOVEMBER. 1908. NO. 12

Airicii BtmkIi «I ike AaodilM (or laicrMiMMl CoadlMbM

«l ike A«odite« (or

84(501 Wall I6ik Simi)
NmrYoikCily

The particular objects of the American
Association for International Conciliation are,
to record, preserve and disseminate the history
of organized efforts for promoting internation-
al peace and relations of comity and good
fellowship between nations, to print and cir-
culate documents and otherwise to aid indi-
vidual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds to obtain ac-
curate information and just views upon these
subjects; and to promote in all practicable ways
mutual understanding and good feeling
between the American people and those of
other nations.

INTRODUCTION

The important Notes exchanjjcd between
the L/nilcd States and Japan on November 30,
1908, declaring the policy of thi! two nations
in regard to the Far East, is a political event
of more than usual significance. For a gen-
eration past the eyes of statesmen and diplo-
matists have been turned to the Far East, and
there have been many times when dangerous
complications of an international character
sermed likely to ensue from the conflicting
wishes and ambitions of the various nations to
secure each for itself political or commercial
advantage in that part of the world. The
geographical relation of the United States and
Japan to the Pacific Ocean, considered as a
means of communication between men and
nations and as a highway of commerce, ren-
dered it more than fitting that these two great
civilized peoples should be in agreement as to
the political and commercial policie*^ ''» }^e

pursued durinj^ the years that now stretch out
before us. It was no less important that
agreement as to these policies should be
publicly signified and recorded.

These admirable Notes by their precision,
their freedom from ambiguity and their cordial
expressions of confidence and good will, make
it clear that so far as the influence of the
United States and Japan can prevail, the
progress of civilization in the Far East and in
the development of the commercial possibili-
ties of the Pacific Ocean and the countries
tributary thereto, will not be impeded or re-
tarded by wars and rumors of w^ars, or by
increasing manifestations of national boast-
fulness, suspicion and greed, but that it will
progress steadily forward along the lines of
orderly and peaceful competition and co-
operation.

NICHOLAS MURRAY HUTLKR

NOTES EXCHANGED BETWEEN THE UNITED

STATES AND JAPAN NOVEMBER 30. 1908.

DECLARING THEIR POUCY IN

THE FAR EAST.

IMPERIAL JAPArCSE EMBASSY
WASHINGTON

NoVEMHKR 30, 1908.

Sir:

The exchange of views between us, which
has taken place at the several interviews which
I have recently had the honor of holding with
you, has shown that Japan and the United
States holding important outlying insular pos-
sessions in the region of the Pacific Ocean, the
Governments of the two countries are ani-
mated by a common aim. policy, and intention
in that region.

Believing that a frank avowal of that aim,
policy, and intention would not only tend to
strengthen the relations of friendship and

good neighborhood, which have immcmorially
existed between Japan and the United States,
but would materially contribute to the preser-
vation of the general peace, the Imperial
Government have authorized me to present to
you an outline of their understanding of that
common aim, policy, and intention :

1. It is the wish of the two Governments
to encourage the free and peaceful develop-
ment of their commerce on the Pacific Ocean.

2. The policy of both Governments, un-
influenced by any aggressive tendencies, is
directed to the maintenance of the existing
status quo in the region above mentioned and
to the defense of the principle of equal op-
portunity for commerce and industry in China.

3. They are accordingly firmly resolved
reciprocally to respect the territorial posses-
sions belonging to each other in said region.

4. They are also determined to preserve
the common interest of all powers in China by
supporting by all pacific means at their dis-
posal the independence and integrity of China

and the principle of equal opportunity for

commerce* an<l in«1ii»itrv of all n.ifl'^n*. Jn fbaf

Empire.

5. Should any event occur threatening the
status quo as above described or the principle
of equal opportunity as above defined, it re-
mains for the two Governments to communi-
cate with each other in order to arrive at an
understanding as to what measures they may
consider it useful to take.

If the foregoing outline accords with the
view of the Government of the United States,
I shall be gratified to receive your confirma-
tion.

1 take this opportunity to renew to Your
Excellency the assurance of my highest con-
sideration.

K. Takahira

H'»n« arable Elihu Root

Sftrelary 0/ State

Department of State
Washington, November jo, igoS.

Excellency :

I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your note of to-day setting forth
the result of the exchange of views between
us in our recent interviews defining the under-
standing of the two Governments in regard to
their policy in the region of the Pacific Ocean.

It is a pleasure to inform you that this ex-
pression of mutual understanding is welcome
to the Government of the United States as
appropriate to the happy relations of the two
countries and as the occasion for a concise
mutual afiftrmation of that accordant policy re-
specting the Far East which the two Govern-
ments have so frequently declared in the past.

I am happy to be able to confirm to Your
Excellency, on behalf of the United States,
the declaration of the two Governments em-
bodied in the following words :

1. It is the wish of the two Governments
to encourage the free and peaceful develop-
ment of their commerce on the Pacific Ocean.

2. The policy of both Governments, un-
influenced by any aggressive tendencies, b
directed to the maintenance of the existing
status quo in the region above mentioned, and
to the defense of the principle of equal oppor-
tunity for commerce and industry- in China.

3. They are accordingly firmly resolved
reciprocally to respect the territorial posses-
sions belonging to each other in said region.

4. They are also determined to preserve
the common interests of all powers in China
by supporting by all pacific means at their dis-
posal the independence and integrity of China
and the principle of equal opportunity for
commerce and industry* of all nations in that
Empire.

5. Should any event occur threatening
the status quo as above described or the
principle of equal opportunity as above de-
fined, it remains for the two Governments to

communicate with each other in order to arrive
at an understanding as to what measures they
may consider it useful to take.

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurance
of my highest consideration.

Elihu Root

His Excellency

Baron Kogoro Takahira

Japanese Ambassador

I ; ? . !';r !;;:;;t of thr r :,l;..ri% prtntr;!. i..j.'.r% of !'.'- !• ,:..»in|r
i!i>-. _::.• :.'.'-, | . I »hctl I'V thr A>%' -v iati< .:i \» il l^ srul j»<r»f j.aul

upon ftppUcMioa.

I. ProfTmm of the AMocUtton. by ttoroo U £fCOttro«lk« tic
CoMUoC. April. 1907.

a. Remlii of the National Arbitratioa and Peaea Congriii, bjr
Andrew Carnegie. April. 1907.

y A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. NoroBber. 1907.

4. The Retultt of the Second Hagoe Conference, by Baron
(i'KttournclIet de Constant and Hon. David Jajrne Hill. January.

5. The Work of thr s^rnna Hague Conference, by Jam« Brown
Scott. January. igoP

6. Potaibilitiea of lotriicctudl Co-operation Between North and
South America, by I^ S. Kowe. April. 1908.

America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June. 1906.
The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July. 1906.
rhe United States and France, by Barrett Wendell. August,

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaqulm Kabuco.
September. 1908.

II Thr t'nltctl Stair* and f-inaila hv T S Willi^on. October.

12. i nc i'oucy 01 inc ( njico Males ana japan in the Far East.

Association for International Conciliation.

American Branch.

Sub-station 84. New York.

Executive Committee of the American Braadi

NicMAUk* MtmsAv BvTLca RicMAae Watmh GiuMni

RicMABo BAamoLor Sraran Nbmst Oum

I VMAW AaaoiT 8«tm Low

JAMas &f«vaa AKnaaw D. WMrm

Roaaar A. PaAmn

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

CONCILIATION

Lyman Abkott, New Yoiik.

Charlks Francis Adams, Boston.

Edwin A. Aldbrman, ('HARt.oTTBCViu.Bt Va.

Charles H. Ambs, Boston, Mass.

Richard Bartholut, Nf. C, St. I.ouis Mo.

Clifton R. Brsckbnridck, Fort Smith, Arkansas.

Wi!>'»" ' HvvAN, Lincoln, Neb.

T. 1 M. C, Cleveland. Ohio.

Nk KAY Butler. New Yoric

Asv^. .. »-.... .uuiB, New York.

Edward Cary, New York.

iosEi'H H. Choate, New York.
LiCHARD H. Dana, Boston, Mass.
Arthur L. Dashkk, Macon. Ga.
Horace E. Deminc, New York.
Charles W. Eliot. Cambridge, Mass.

ioHN \V. Foster. Washington, D. C.
LiciiARD Watson Gildbk, New York.
John Arthur (iKEE.sR, New York.
James M. (Jrbenwood, Kansas City, Mo.
Franklin H. Head. Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.
Iambs L. Heur.HTAUNC, Chicago. III.
David Stark Jordan. Stanfoku University, Cal.
Edmond Kelly, New York.
Adolph Lkwisohn, New York.
Seth Low. New York.
Clarence H. Mackay. New York.
W. A. Mahonv, CoLUMBis, Ohio.
Brandek Matthews, New York.
W. W. Morrow. San Francisco, Cau
George B. McClkllan, Mayor of New York.
Levi P. Morton, New York.
Silas McBke, New York.
Simon Newcomb, Washington, D. C.
Stephen H. Oi.in, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo. N. Y.
Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md.

tAMES Ford Rhodes, Bc^ton, Mass.
[owARO J. Rogers, Albany, N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington. D. C.
1. G. Schurman, Ithaca, N. Y,
Isaac N. Sei.igman, New York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, 111.
William M. Sloane, New York.
Albbrt K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.
James Spryer, New York.
Oscar S. Straus, Washington, D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swift. San Fkancisco. Cau
George W. Taylor, M. C, Demopolis, Ala.
O. H. TiTTMAN, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN, New York.
Benjamin Trueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck, Paris, France.
William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Orb.
Andrew D. White, Ithaca, N. Y.

mviNO PRESS, NEW YOR«

I International Congiuation

— — /u^".

J'AO PA TKiA PEK Oh

Mil

EUROPEAN sobriety' IHJH^RE^I&SJCE
OF THE BALKAN lERI^fS

)i\

CHARLES AUSTIN BEARD. Ph.D..

Ad)uncl Pro(cMor of Politics io G>luinbU Uarrcnity
DECEMBER, 1900. NO. 13

AarncM Braadi ol die A«ocMlioa fot

SdbHiaikNi 94 (501 W«ii II61I1 SlMH)
NewYodiGiy

More than two months have elapsed since a serious
crisis was precipitated in the Balkans by the un-
expected action of Bulgaria and Austria-Hungary,
and there is now every reason for hoping that the
threatened armed contlict will be avoided by the
settlement of the disputed points either in a general
conference of the powers or through independent
negotiations. Whatever may be the outcome of the
controversy, the conduct of the powers during the
crisis lends encouragement to those who believe that
sobriety is driving reckless militarism out of the
councils of the nations. There is also some reason
for believing that the Balkan region is not so dangerous
to European peace as past history has undoubtedly
implied. Such, at least, is the view which the follow-
ing statement of the case seems to warrant

Up to the limit of the editkmt printed, copies ol tht (ollowfaf
docomentt. pubUthed by th« AaMcUtkw. will be teDl poit>peld
upon applicaiioo.

Progrmm of the AMociaiioo. tjr Baron d'l
Constant. April. 1907.

9. Results or the Nadoiuil Arbitration and Pence CninreM, bjr
Andrew Carnegie. April. 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew GmMgie. Norembcr. 1907.

4. The Resaltt of the Second Hagtie < by Baron
d'EMoomclles de Constant and Hon. David J >. Janoary.
1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hagoe Conference, fay Jaawa B"^**"
Scott. Janoary. 1908.

6. Poeaibilitiea of Intellectiul Cooperation Between Kortb ano
Soath America, by L. S. Rowe. April. 1906.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June. 1905.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July, 190S.

9. The United States and France, by Barrett Wendell. Aoguat.
190S.

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Naboco.
September. 1908.

11. The United States and Canada, by J. S. WiUiaon. October.
1908.

13. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East.
November, 1908.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by
Charles Austin Beard. December, 1908.

Association for iNTSKyATioirAL Cokciliation.

Amirican Branch,

Sub-station 84, New York.

Executire Committee of the American Branch

NiCMOLAS Mtmur Btrrtas Rkmabo Wat*

RtCMABO BAamotor Brwntmm Hsmrr Oun

LTMAiiAaaoTT Sam Low

Jambs Srem Amasw D. Wmrs

Roaaar A. PaAMCs

EUROPEAN SOBRIETY IN THE PRESENCE OF
THE BALKAN CRISIS

From that fateful September of 1683 when Sobieski
beat the Turks back from the walli of Vienna and ex-
ultantly announced that the approaches to the town,
the camp, and the open fields were covered with the

'•>scs of the enemy, down to the bloody days of Sc-
)pol and Plevna, the Sultan's territorial interests
west of the Bosphorus have been a standing menace to
the peace of Europe. Again and again in the eight-
eenth century, the Eastern powers were engaged in
de8i>erate conflicts to wrest ever larger areas from the
^^rip of the Turk, and before the centur)* had closed
the Western |>owers as well were drawn into the con-
test. They assisted at the formation of the independ-
rr' kingdom of Greece and narrowly escaped a serious

.'. >;i when the Sultan defied them. In 1854, on a
pretext that seems criminally trivial (whatever may
have been the real motives) England, France, Turkey.
Sardinia, and Russia plunged into the terrible Crimean
War whose horrors at Malakoff and the Redan, gave a
dash of bitterness to *'the brazen glories'* of Inkermann
and the Light Brigade. In 1877, Alexander II, using
the call of Bulgaria as a pretext, threw his troops
across the border and they were cutting their way
through to the Sultan's capital when they were checked
by a solemn warning from England that the settle-
ment of the Turk's estate down to the minutest detail
was a matter of European interest. Recalling, perhaps,
the disasters of the Crimea, the victorious Tsar yielded

as gracefully as possible, and at the memorable Berlin
Conference of 1878, the representatives of Great
Britain, Russia, Germany, France, Austria, Italy, and
Turkey drafted what has been called *'the fundamental
law of Southeastern Europe," establishing the status
of Bulgaria, Eastern Roumelia, Crete, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro, Scrvia, Roumania, and
Macedonia. With the exception of the union of Bul-
garia and Eastern Roumelia in 1885 the grand settle-
ment reached at Berlin has remained substantially
undisturbed, each nation fearing that the slightest jar
might easily bring down the whole structure so pain-
fully erected, and precipitate a disastrous conflict
among the powers interested. Even the apparently
harmless attempts of the Cretans to unite with Greece
were several times repressed by military demonstra-
tions on the part of the powers entrusted with the
task of guarding the peace of the Southeast.

Suddenly in the summer and autumn of this year
(1908) there occurred a series of startling events
which, in the days of Napoleon III and Disraeli, would
certainly have afforded acceptable pretexts for a
general armed conflict. In July, the Young Turk
party in Constantinople was able to force the Sultan to
approve the restoration of the suspended constitution
of 1876 and thus reconstruct the government of Turkey.
On October 5, Prince Ferdinand declared at Tirnovo,
amid great rejoicing, the freedom and independence of
Bulgaria from Turkish suzerainty. Two days later
came the official proclamation of Austria-Hungary an-

ncxing the provinces of Botnia and Herzegovina which
I he treaty u( Berlin had placed under the adminiftratioa
of the dual monarchy. Before the diplomat! of Eu-
■ could catch their breath, the Cretans announced
i..cir emancipation from Constantinople and their final
union with Greece. It seemed that 1'urkey had com-
mitted political suicide, that respect for law and order
was being cast to the winds, and that the hour had
come for a general scramble in which the strongest
might hope for a lion's share.

The war spirit at once flamed up in Europe and
for a time it looked as if hasty action on the part of
some minor power in the Southeast might bring on a
local conflict whose larger implications could scarcely
be apprehended. The king of Servia at once signed a
decree ordering the mobilization of the first reserves
of the army numbering about 35,000 and his call to
arms was greeted with great enthusiasm. Crowds in
rade, shouting '* Long live our Bosnia! Down
u>i>i Austria!" attacked the Austrian legation. The
mayor of Belgrade presided over a meeting of 25.000
persons at which members of parliament indulged in
the most violent war talk and were greeted with shouts
of *• On to the Drina to save our brothers! To arms!
To arms! " The Servian Crown Prince addressing the
soldiers clamoring for war declared, **For him who
would die, I wish life; for him who would live, I wish
death." The Servian newspapers published inflamma-
tory articles urging the government not to yield, and
the Servian parliament on Monday, October 12, voted
an extraordinary credit to the minister of war and

passed a resolution that it was willing to support the
ministry to the fullest extent in the defense of Servian
interests. The Charg/ d' Affaires representing Servia
at London gave out the following statement: " Austria
has cynically thrown a bomb into the powder magazine
of Europe and it is impossible to foretell to what the
indignation of the Servians may lead them. In Servia
the matter is one of life or death. To explain the
indignation in my country it is necessary to point out
that the majority of the population which will now

pass under Austrian rule is Servian Twice

Servia has gone to war over the question of Bo.snia."

While the excitement in Servia seemed swiftly bear-
ing the population toward war, the Montenegrins
joined in the clamor for armed resistance to Austrian
aggression. In opening the parliament on Monday,
October 12, the Prince declared that his people had
suffered a great wrong at the hands of Austria, and
were ready to sacrifice their last drop of blood to set
matters right if necessary. Parliament promptly passed
a vote of confidence in the government and unani-
mously sanctioned the demand for military supplies.

The European press treated the violation of the
Berlin Treaty as a serious event, and some of the more
belligerent papers, confidently anticipating war, an-
nounced the actual commencement of hostilities be-
tween Austria and Servia The Paris y<?//r/M/ declared
that the Balkan States '* are on the brink of a precipice
and the European powers are about to give free rein
to their appetite for dominion." The Pcftt Parisien
urged, 'Uhe chances of war are manifold unless Europe

1^ vr •, .• r .:^' -.!!:! !■- i' .irc that no blood
.siiai; be >nr-!. 1 lie Luniiuii //".r. deplored the injur)'
which the action of Austria and Bulgaria had done to
the prestitre of the new regime in Turkey, and added:
*'Were that prestige destroyed, the steps taken by
these two Christian lands would probably result in
plunging Macedonia and other wide regions of Turkey
into a welter of blood and rapine more horrible than
that from which they have been rescued by the revolu-
tion They must bear the consequences of

their acts."

While the papers in Western Europe realized the
gravity of the situation, not a single one of weight
took advantage of the opportunity for **good jour-
nalism *' to urge any hasty action inviting even the risk
of war. And the governments of all the great n.f
took a judicial attitude, which conclusively dc:..
strated their realization of the responsibilities resting
upon the power making the first belligerent move.
Even the government of Turkey, whose prestige and
interests were most seriously affected by the crisis,
speedily announced a pacific policy, while making it
clear that the offenses committed by Bulgaria and
Austria against legitimate rights warranted the use of
force. Instead of rushing to arms and calling on the
Powers that had signed the Treaty of Berlin to main-
tain their own public agreements, Turkey appealed to
the decision of the contracting parties, and stated that
she would '* await their decision with calm."

Russia responded to the appeal from Constantinople
with a proposition that a conference of the powers

signatory to the Treaty of Berlin should be held, and
the contested issues peacefully adjusted by the parties
interested. This view of the impasse was taken also
by Great Britain, France, Italy, and, conditionally, by
Germany. Although it is by no means decided that the
vexed questions are to be settled by a great confer-
ence of the powers, it seems certain that no country is
willing to take the huge risk of plunging Europe into
war. While the expected conference is being in-
definitely delayed, negotiations are proceeding between
Turkey and Bulgaria and Austria; the representatives
of all countries show an anxiety to reach a peaceful
settlement; and a pacific note- runs through the
propositions and counter-propositions which have thus
far found their way to the public. It is hazardous, of
course, to prophesy, but if the tone of the European
press, the rates of war insurance, and the avowed
policy of the most militant of the Powers involved are
to be accepted as indications, Europe will escape the
threatened war.

It would be unwarranted, however, to conclude
that such a happy result has been achieved through
the influence of abstract notions of justice and
righteousness alone. It would be unwarranted also
to assume that material interests alone have been
responsible for the cautious reserve which now char-
acterizes the policy of all the powers concerned.
In fact, from the standpoint of the advocate of
peace, it matters little whether war has been so far
prevented by a complex of economic interests, the

fear of war in itself, the unwilling^cuB of ttatetmen to
assume the terrible res ' ''^y for a general coo*

flict, or by a belief in i v and futility of war.

Indeed, no single factor has been responsible for the
ic. If one examines the comments of the
in papers on the crisis, the semi-official state-
ments from the respective governments,' and the gen-
era! "' :•■.■;■: '.■.-■ ,.^

he u <>

the maintenance of peace.

r ific influences must be piaced

the (- attitude of the Constitutional

Liberals in Turkey. Instead of attempting to stir
the mob spirit by mad appeals for **a holy war on the
infidels,*' in accordance with the vogue once famous
in Constantinople, they sought to quiet the unrest of
the militant elements among the population. In its
note to the powers, the Turkish government stated
that it " could resort to force to ensure the protection
of its rights, but being above all respectful to treaties
and anxious for the common interests involved in the
need for peace, it desires to avoid such an extremity."
It is well known that members of the Young Turk
party have been long in Western capitals studying
modern political methods, and also that they have
manifested an intense interest in the conferences at
the Hague and in the proposed programs for the
peaceful adjustment of international disputes. The
Constantinople correspondent of the London Timrs
telegraphed his paper, when the news of the action of
Bulgaria and Austria- Hungary was made known, at

follows: ** All Turkish journals publish long leading
articles dealing with the situation. Their tone is
almost without exception the reverse of Chauvinistic,

and an appeal to arms is generally deprecated It

is pointed out that in spite of the cruel blows dealt to
national prestige, the interests of the empire demand
a calm and pacific attitude on the part of every section
of the population."

A second factor in the maintenance of peace was
the clear, firm, and moderate attitude taken by the
Liberal government in England. Sir Edward Grey,
in a public address delivered soon after the declaration
of Bulgarian independence, stated that the Govern-
ment could not agree to the violation of the treaty
until the other powers were consulted, that every effort
should be made to prevent the startling events from
militating against the reform movement in Turkey,
and that the practical and material changes had not
been so great as alarmists had contended. The Prime
Minister, Mr. Asquith, at the opening of Parliament a
few days later, expressed the hope that those interested
in reaching an agreement would not precipitate a crisis
by hasty action but would continue to show modera-
tion and restraint. The leader of the opposition in
the House of Lords stated, **that their one desire
was to strengthen the hands of the government in the
task of maintaining the public law of Europe and pre-
serving the peace of the world."

In France the press in some quarters declared that
only a congress could avert war, but the government
showed no anxiety to make capital by assuming a beU

Ugerent attitude. There was no Napoleon III to
appeal to the glories of Autterlitz and Wagram, and
the miniitry, seriously occupied with pretf ing fjucfttionb
of domestic reform and expedients for meeting already
overtopping military expenditures, did not betray the
slightest interest in the possibilities of winning fame
again at Sebastopol. Things have changed in France
since 1854. Doubtless the y<ytfririi/ y// />/Aa// voiced
the sentiments of all sober Frenchmen in the following
declaration: ** Without neglecting our interests, we
should join with our allies and friends in preventing the
destruction of the European equilibrium. We ought to
see to it that Turkey receives the satisfaction due her,
and if war does arise compel a limitation of the conflict
and prevent the conflagration from becoming general.
Our role is that of a peace-maker. Our government
should speak flrmly; it has all France behind it."

There is no doubt also that the minor powers of
Southeastern Europe have learned some lessons dur-
ing the last twenty-five years. They have taken part
in the Hague conferences and are parties to the
Hague conventions. They have been devoting their
attention with more or less success to the advance-
ment of the arts of peace and industry. They are
developing financial and commercial interests which
give them pause in the face of the derangement of
business that war inevitably engenders. Despite some
bluster and unquestionable pressure from the excitable
elements of the population, the governmenu most
deeply involved took a studiously pacific attitude
after the first impulses were inhibited.

«3

Credit must be given likewise to the ententes now
existing between England, France, and Russia. Dur-
ing the period when the crisis was at its height, the
negotiations among these powers were conducted with
a frankness and cordiality which were undoubtedly
facilitated by the previous good understanding. Cer-
tainly this may be regarded as an illustration of how
friendly relations cultivated assiduously in time of
peace may be conductive to judicial calm in critical
situations.

Thus a great political revolution has taken place; a
general European settlement has been violently over-
turned ; Austria has been guilty of aggression akin to
that of Russia in times past; every pretext has been
afforded for some militant power to precipitate a con-
flict; and yet pacific councils have prevailed. High
talk about '*the glory of France" so characteristic of
the Second Empire has been conspicuously absent from
the French press. England has found no responsible
political leader to emulate the example of the flam-
boyant Beaconsfield and call for the war dogs to avenge
the attack upon **the integrity of Turkey." Every-
where in the voluminous discussions of the upheaval,
there is a note of moderation and good sense. Instead
of the reckless abandon of old fashioned militarism,
there is a sane conservatism born of the clear recog-
nition of the responsibilities assumed by the Power
that dares cast the first fire-brand. Surely without
undue optimism, this happy escape from the crisis may
be deemed a triumph for the cause of peace.

CHARLES A. BEARD.
14

COUNOL OF DIRECTION FOR THE AMERICAN BRANCH

OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL

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ritvtNO PRESS, NEW VON

International Conciuation

PRO PA TKIA PER ORB/S COSCORDiAM

PitHilMiiiiljbyiw

THE LOGIC OF INTERNATIONAL
COOPERATION

EilracteffMi M AiticU prMtoil n iIm Aihan}i JMm ol

FRANCIS W. HIRST

Editor of the London Eeonomist

JANUARY. 1909. NO. 14

Aamkm AmocmImmi lor lalcrMboMl

64(501 W«lll6ikSlf«l)
NtwYediGiy

As the Albany Review has ceased publication and
copies of the numbers issued are not readily available
in the United States, we are glad to give a wider
publicity to the views of an economist of international
reputation by reprinting from the columns of the
Review^ with a title of our own selection, some sig-
nificant paragraphs from a recent article by Mr.
Francis W. Hirst, editor of the London Economist.

THE
LOaC OF INTERNATIONAL CXK)PERAT10N

Eitracis (loai M arikW pMitd is lU /l/i^Jif JIMiw ol LmkImi.
by Frmck W. Hmi. Edbor of llw iMtftfii JbMWMuf .

....The idea of international co-operation at a
means of lessening the dangers and mitigating the
brutalities of warfare, of improving the laws and
customs that regulate international intercourse, and
finally of reducing the awful and ever-growing bur-
den of competitive armaments is not new. Dante
dreamed of a model emperor under whose wise control
all nations would dwell in peace. Marsilio of Padua
thought of a universal democratic church, whose ecu-
menical councils might reflect a republican union of
states. Erasmus marvelled how Christians/*members
of one body, fed by the same sacraments, attached
to the same Head, called to the same immortality,
hoping for the same communion with Christ, could
allow anything in the world to provoke them to war."
Disputes between nations, as between individuals,
there must be; but why should not all parties agree to
submit to the old Roman arbitrament of good men?
And might not a general peace be brought about in
the Christian world by agreement between the rulers
under the hegemony of Pope and Emperor? The
dreadful wars of the Reformation converted at least
one calculating statesman into an idealist. The Grand
; >csign of Henry the Fourth sprang, in all probabil-
ity, from the brain of Sully, in whose Memoirs it

stands recorded, an imperishable monument of polit-
ical sagacity. A treaty **done at the Hague," be-
tween Henry of Navarre, Elizabeth and the Dutch
Republic, was clearly intended to pave the way for
this great League of Peace. Twenty-two years later
Hugo Grotius was imprisoned in the Dutch capital,
and afterwards taking refuge in France prepared and
published his immortal work on the Law of War and

Peace

In the eighteenth century, wrote Sir James Mac-
kintosh at its close, **a slow and silent but very
substantial mitigation has taKpn place in the practice
of war;* and in proportion as that mitigated practice
has received the sanction of time it is raised to
the rank of mere usage and becomes part of the law
of nations." It is in a large measure due, he adds,
to the labors of Grotius and his disciples that these
results have been achieved. They have given us
instruments of reasoning and materials of science,
and so the code of war has been enlarged and im-
proved, old questions have been decided to the
benefit of all, and new controversies have arisen which
will in their turn make for the extension of peace
and the improved happiness of mankind. It was not
without reason that toward the end of his life
Mackintosh, looking back on the period 1630-1830,

' Especially in the treatment of captive* ; cf. the chapters of Gfotius' Third
Book on Temperamentum drca Captivos.

placed the Ue Jure Belli ac i'acis tir»t among the (our
books' that had mott directly influenced the general
opinion of Europe.

It would be tempting, if space allowed, to pattie
and consider in detail how the Grand Design of Sully
was elaborated by William Penn and the Abb^ de
Saint Pierre and Jeremy Bentham; how the system of
Grotius was developed by Puffendorf, De Mably,
Galiani and other international lawyers; how, while
Turgot, Adam Smith and Franklin showed the fatal
consequences of war to commerce and industry,
ICant destroyed its philosophic basis and justified
the thought of perpetual peace as the righteous and
probable sequel to the growth of lawful and repre-
sentative government. Many of the ideas then first
thrown out have been adopted in whole or in part.
With the nineteenth century the practical movement
begins, and the missionaries of peace who should
have prepared the way for the Abb^ de Saint Pierre
began to preach the new gospel of goodwill among
nations. In the hands of men like Cobden and Bright
'*the thing became a trumpet/' with the heroes of
free trade on her side. Peace could no longer be
slighted as the obscure goddess of an almost unknown
sect. Scoffers continued to laugh at the movement,
but they could not laugh it down. Cobden was far

•TlModMrlkfwbdaf TiMEMy o* iIm Huumi UadMiMdbc. TiM SpMl
«ltb«Uw«,UHiTb«lM|ttlryiMoilMC«iu«oliWWMhlietf St

too wise, of course, to expect large changes to come
about on a sudden. But he put forward in 1849 a
practical programme upon which efforts might be
concentrated. I will give the message in his own
words: — " Let the Peace Congress, which is spreading
its roots and branches far and wide throughout the
world, proclaim these four cardinal principles of faith
and heart — arbitration instead of war; a simultaneous
reduction in armaments ; the denunciation of the
right of any nation to interfere by force in the domes-
tic affairs of any other nation; the repudiation of
loans to warlike governments." To these he added
the abolition of the right of belligerents to destroy
peaceful commerce and merchant shipping in war
time. At a great Peace Conference held in Paris in
the same year, over which Victor Hugo presided,
Cobden proposed a resolution in favor of a simultane-
ous and proportionate reduction of armaments, illus-
trating his theme by the history of the rivalry between
the British and French Admiralties. Each addition
by one led to a proportionate addition by the other,
and for a long period of years our Fleet and Naval
Estimates had stood in the relation of about three
to two as compared with the French Fleet and the
French Naval Estimates. Yet in 13 years of peace
the cost of both had risen 50 per cent. : —

** No sooner is the keel of another line-of-
battle ship laid down in your dockyards than

forthwith fresh hammers begin to resound at
IMymouth; a new forge has hardly begun to
work at Cherbourg when immediately the
sparks are seen to fly from fresh anvils at
Plymouth, and ritet^trsa. My first objection
to this is its supreme folly — for as both
countries increase their naval strength in
c(iual proportions neither party has gained
by the change, the only result being a pure
waste to the amount of the augmentation.
My next objection is the extreme hypocrisy
of the system; for at the very time that all
this increase of armament has been going on
our respective Governments have been ex-
changing assurances of mutual feelings of
friendship and goodwill. If these professions
were made in sincerity and truth, where was
the necessity for more ships of war and more
coast defences? An individual does not
cover himself with armor in the presence of
his friends. But my greatest objection to
these vast armaments is that they tend to
excite dangerous animosities between two
nations and, to perpetuate fear, hatred and
suspicion — passions which find their gratifica-
tion instinctively in war."
How plain and how simple! But Cobden quietly
warned his audience not to entertain the illusion that
they would easily succeed in teaching this little arith-
letical lesson to Governments. *' I speak from long
xperience when I say that none are so difficult to
(each as professional statesmen. They are so devoted

to routine and so fortifietl in self-sufficiency that they
do not easily believe that wisdom exists in the world
excepting that which radiates from their bureaux."
To-day Englishmen may well be proud that a proposi-
tion based upon this simple arithmetical truth was, at
the Second Hague Conference, laid by our Govern-
ment before the representatives of all the civilized
nations of the world. Whatever may be the imme-
diate results of this proposal it will most assuredly
bear fruit of inestimable value. It is an achievement
not less important than the decision of Mr. Gladstone's
Government to submit the Alabama claims to arbitra-
tion. In the Temple of Peace, Sir Henry Campbell-
Bannerman will stand on a pedestal with Cobden and

Gladstone

Fortunately time is on our side. Every year
that passes increases sea-borne trade and complicates
the already complex system of insurances. A
modern ship suggests the analogy of a modern
shop. Both are probably owned by a company. The
fact that the manager or captain is a German does not
prove that the shareholders are German. Nor if they
were does it follow that the loss or capture of the
vessel would injure them. It may be a liner in which
British capital is embarked. The cargo may be
mainly British or neutral. Both the vessel and cargo
may be insured in British or neutral insurance com-
panies. It is all very well for naval and military

experts to talk at large about the damage we coold do
Germany by tending tuch a ship to the bottom in
time of war; but the more one inquires into the com-
plexities of the shipping trade the more uncertain
does this theory become. Indeed, the practical
dangers and difficulties are already so great that the
system would most likely break down in practice, as
the old system did in the Crimean War. If a naval
war were to break out between two commercial
Powers I think they would probably begin with a
reciprocal agreement to let non-contrabaod private
property and shipping severely alone. Besides, is not
the occupation of commerce-destruction and prize-
hunting on the open seas too odious to be tolerated
by civilized opinion? It is a good while now since
piracy was regarded as an honorable calling. Prize
law is the last relic of this sport, and it ought to be
restricted to contraband carriers, even at the risk of
hurting the feelings of Professor Holland. Another ob-
jection to the practice which has been pointed out by a
member of the Board of Admiralty is that the modern
type of cruiser is not adapted for privateering. She
can ill spare men for prize crews. She has no room, of
course, for cargo, and the inconvenience of taking the
passengers and crew of a large vessel on board is very
great, even if the captain is prepared to uke the

responsibility of sending it to the bottom

With regard to the cuntrabands of war, it is the

opinion of those who have given most thought to the
subject that the only way to put the law upon a sound
basis is for the Powers to sign an international con-
vention containing a list of contraband articles which
shall be binding upon all belligerents. Of course
such a list could be revised and modified periodically.
When contraband is regulated by international con-
vention and the right of belligerents to make law
upon the subject in their own interests has been put
an end to, a fertile source of international complica-
tions willUse removed and a danger which perpetually
threatens to extend the area of hostilities and has
been responsible for many wars in the past will at
length disappear. When the two reforms above sug-
gested have been carried, the laws of property and
commerce in naval warfare will have been brought
into conformity with the following principle:

All trading vessels, whatever their flag or nation-
ality, should be exempt from capture or destruction
unless they carry contraband.

Here is simplicity, common sense and justice. The
present system has none of these virtues. It is com-
plicated, stupid and unfair. With the reform of the
law of contraband is closely associated the constitu-
tion of Prize Courts. The same international con-
vention which gives a real international character
to the law of contraband should also give a real
international character to the Courts which ad-

minister it. Sir John Macdonnell hat suted the
case with admirable brevity. **The present com-
position of Prize Couru/' writes this eminent
authority, "is objectionable, and especially unsatis-
factory to neutrals. A Prize Court, as usually con-
stituted, sits in the territory of the belligerent
which happens to be the captor; it is composed of the
judges of the captor's country; sometimes it is an
administrative body. If there is an appeal it is to
the belligerent's Court. In this Court the neutral
who seeks restitution of his property is claimant; it is
not for the captor to justify what he has done; the
burden of proof lies on the owner." To remedy this
state of things the Powers at the Hague might very
well agree that in future Prize Courts shall be invested
with a truly judicial character, and that an appeal
shall lie from their judgments to the Hague Tribunal.
In the whole sphere of politics there is perhaps no
study more sublime than that of international law.
Hut there is always the danger of its discussion being
confined to experts and of its care being relegated to
small-minded officials. To prevent this misfortune
and to associate himself with the free discussion of
these great concerns should be the object of every
{^ood citizen. It is not enough to take a part in local
and domestic politics. There is nothing more vital
to the security and social progress of his own country
than the improvement of its relations «i»b ..rhrr

States, the creation of machinery for the peaceful
settlement of disputes, and the adoption of conven-
tions for mitigating the horrors of war. If the Hague
Conference did no more than spread the knowledge of
international rules and excite interest in proposals
for their reform, its existence would be amply justi-
fied. As time goes on the work of the Congress and
of the Tribunals will become more and more im-
portant, and nations will be more and more concerned
to see that they are properly represented in the inter-
national parliament. But as Mill pointed out in his
address at St. Andrew's in 1867, nothing can excuse
citizens from the duty of aiding in the formation of
public opinion on international questions. *' Let not
any one pacify his conscience by the delusion that he
can do no harm if he takes no part and forms no
opinion. Bad men need nothing more to compass
their ends than that good men should look on and do
nothing. He is not a good man who, without a pro-
test, allows wrong to be committed in his name, and
with the means which he helps to supply, because he
will not trouble himself to use his mind on the sub-
ject." In short, it depends on the habit of watching
and criticising public transactions, and upon the
knowledge and solid judgment of them that exist
within it, whether a nation shall prove itself at home
and abroad selfish, corrupt and tyrannical, or rational,
enlightened, just and noble.

TIm Exacmivt CommitMt o( tbt AaMricaa Attodatiott for Imm*
nadocuU ConcilUtion vUh to moqm tb* latorMC of tbo Ammieam
poopto In the pr og rm of the movoDoit for promotiaf latomatioaol
peace aod reUtioot of comiijr and good fellovthip bctweea aatioaa.
To this eod they print aod dicalata dom—ntt i:iviaf lafonaarioa
at to the profreae of theaa loyeaMiiti, la order that iadlvidsal
citiiena, the oewtpaper pre«, aod orfaaintkmt of variooa Uada
nuv have readily available accurate ioformatioo on thaee lobjacta.

1* or the information of thoee who are not familiar with the work
of the Aatodation for Intematiooal Conciliation, a list of its pob-
lications is sobjoioed.

I. Program of the Asaodatioo, by Baron d'Estooraellea da
Constant. April. 1907.

9. Rcsolu of the National Arbitration and Peace Coogren, by
Andrew Carnegie. *•>'•' ')Of,

3. A League of ! Andrew Carnegie. November. 1907.

4. The Kesult» second Hague Conference, br Baron
d'Estoomelles de Cooataot aod Hon. David Jayne HllL Jaaoary.
1908.

5. The Woric of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown
Scott. Januar)-. 1908.

6. Possibilittes of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and
South America, by I.. S. Rowe. April, 1908.

7. AiT'--"-* •»"' i^t.1.1 i.v ( ;eorge Trumbull Ladd. June, 1708.

8. Tl.' :onal I^w, by Elihu Root. July, iryos.

9. Thf i rancc, by Barrett Weadell. August,
I90S.

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco.
September. 1908.

II. The United States and Canada, by J. S. WUlison. October.
1 90S.

13. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by
Charles Austin Beard. December. 1908.

14. The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst.
January. 1909.

Up to the limit of the ediiions pnnied. any one of the above
documents, or the copies of this Monthly BmJUtin, will be sent
postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary of
the American Branch of the International Conciliation. Poet Often
Sub-Station 84. New York. N. Y.

ExaclTIVK COMMITTEI

Ntcnouks MoMuv Bcrua Rioueo Watso« Gnaaa

RiCNAao Ba«t«ouit S iawMui Hamnr Oum

LvMAM Ammtt Sarn Low
Jam

COUNCO. OF DIRECnON FOR THE AMERICAN ASSOC
AT10N FOR INTERNATIONAL CX>NaUAT10N

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Cm*^'^- *■'*'■— t*^ An..^

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EoMOMD Kuxv, Nbw Voaic

AooLf N LswtaoNN, Nbw York.

Ssm Low. Nbw Yobic.

Clabbmcb H. Macxav. Nbw Yobk.

W. A. Mamovv, CoLVMBt-«, Ohio.

Bbakdsb Mattnbwv, Nbw Yobk.

W. W. MoBBow. San Fbamcuco, Cau

Gbobos B. McClbu-am. Mavob or Nbw Yonc

LBVI p. M0BTr>v V-^ VmBK.

Silas 3IcBbb,

Simon Nbwco' ton, D. C

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A. loXD. birTALO. N. V.

Ik^ I ALTIMOBK, BID.

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HowABo J. Kocsas, Albamv, N. Y.
Elini' Root, Wauiimotom, D. C.

LC. ScH f-ttACA, N. Y.
mAC N Nbw Yobjc.

r. J. V. KC^, 111.

William ii. - v--!r Yonic.

Albwt K, S%i Momowk. N. Y.

Iamcs SrBVBk.

DtCAS S. ST«At>. " ■.-... >oToiiD. C.
Mbs. Mabv Wood bwirr. Sam fbamoico, Cau
Gbobcb W, Tavlob, M. C. Dbmomub, Ala.

O. H * vs. WABMUtCTOM, D. C

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Bt eBLOOO« BOBTOW, MaBB.

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WiLUAM D. Wmbblvbiomt, Postlaku, Obs.

INTERNATI

eXO FA I

AMERICAN I

HON

TAL

J. H. Deforest, d.d.

FEBRUARY. 1909. NO. 15

for

84(501 Werf I l6iliSira*i)
f4€wYoAGiy

The particular objects of the American Association for Interna,
tional Conciliation are to record, preserve and disseminate the
history of organized efforts for promoting international peace and
relations of comity and good fellowship between nations, to print
and circulate documents and otherwise to aid individual citizens, the
newspaper press, and organizations of various kinds to obtain ac-
curate information and just views uix>n these subjects; and to pro-
mote in all practicable ways mutual understanding and good feeling
between the American people and those of other nations.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, copies of the following
documents, published by the Association, will be sent post-paid
upon application:

X. Program of the AMOcUdon, by Baron d'Estournellet de Constant. April,
1907.

3. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, by Andrew Car-
negie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907.

4. The results of the Second Hague Conference, by Baron d'Estoumelles de
Constant and Hon. David Jayne Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown Scott. Jan-
uary, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and South America,
by L. S. Rowe. April, 1908.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July, 1908.

9. The United Sutes and France, by Barrett Wendell. August, 1908.

to. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco. September,
1908.

II. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October, 1908.

I a. The Policy of the United Sutes and Japan In the Far East. November,
1908.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by Charies Austin
Beard. December, 1908.

14. The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst. January', 191J9.

15. American Ignorance of Oriental Langtiages, by J. H. DcForcst. Feb-
ruary, 1909.

American Association for Intkrnational Conciliation
Sub- STATION 84, New York

Executive Committee

Nicholas Murray Bittlbr Richard Watson Gildkx

Richard Bartholdt Stbphbn Hbnrv Olin

LvMAN Abbott Sbth Low

Jambs Sfbykk Robbrt A. Fbanks

AMERICAN IGNORANCE OF ORIENTAL
LANGUAGES

There is no world problem that looms up to Urge
A% the coming relations between the East and the
West. It is above all and beyond all the greatest
problem that ever confronted the human race. It
is one that involves profound changes not only in
diplomacy but in popular thinking. It affects as no
other problem ever has the action of governments
and of the peoples under those governments. And
it looks as though the burden of the solution of
this magnificently great problem, so far as the West
is concerned, must fall mainly upon the United States
government and the people of our Great Republic.

In helping on the right and righteous solution of
the many problems that arise from the coming to-
gether of the great East and the great West, I
desire to submit just one line of practical aid in
knowing and understanding one another.

// is fy kiMunng the other s iangyage. One can faintly
imagine the fearful responsibility of li Kamon no
Kami, the Premier of the Shogunate, when Commo-
dore Perry came. He had to make some kind of a
humiliating treaty with those 'MVestern barbarians"
of whose language and intentions he could know
nothing, or else involve his country in a disastrous
war. The dilemma forced from him this lamenta-
tion:^

** Nothing is worse than a barrier to the
Communication of thought."

It is just this vast vague barrier that exisu be-
tween the East and the West, and that constitutes
a standing peril — ignorance of the other's language.
Here are two historic civilizations with different po-
litical, social, religious evolutions, and with languages
and customs widely alien to each other. These
millions upon millions of human beings in the two

hemispheres have been brought into close contact
by commerce, by diplomacy, by the missionary worUi
movement, and by the press that now every morning
gathers up all the significant events of the nations
into one column of news.

This whole world of human beings is now in closer
geographical and intellectual touch with each and
every part of itself than any one nation was with
itself a hundred years ago. And yet collossal misun-
derstandings have arisen between these two halves
that have bred ill will and suspicions and wars, until
now, in spite of the Hague and other peace move-
ments, statesmen and scholars are found who allow
themselves to go on record as predicting that a bigger
war than the world has ever seen, one that*' will
shake the earth," is inevitable between the yellows
and the whites.

Now the first great duty of both sides is to get into
proper shape to understand each other, and there is
no other way of knowing each other more essential
than that of knowing the other's language.

This Association of International Conciliation has
for one of its aims **To encourage the study of
foreign languages." This is absolutely imperative,
and it is just here that the United States is absolutely
weak. We are comparatively rich in peace move-
ments; in our power to push arbitration; in gifted
and sympathetic statesmen; in misisonary work; in
our *'American Diplomacy in the Orient," as the
Honorable J. W. Foster has shown; and in our gen-
erous welcome of Eastern students to our universities.
But we are almost helpless when it comes to first hand
knowledge of the East through the languages thereof.

And it is this almost universal ignorance oh our
part of the language and literature and history and
ideals of Japan, that made possible that wave of sus-
picion and distrust that so largely captured the atten-
tion of both our government and our people for over
a year. Had our government's military attaches in
Manchuria, our naval officers on duty in the East, our

war currckpoiulcntt, our secret service men, our con-
sular and commercial agents, and our diplomatic
agents, as a rule been conversant with the Japanese
language, the margin for misunderstandings would
have been greatly narrowed. And then, had each of
uur representative papers and magazines even one
writer capable of translating at sight Japanese papers
and giving their important contents to the public,
they could have spoken with authority and prevented
the larger part of the wretched stuff too many of our
papers printed about Japan and her intentions. I do
not claim that all misunderstandings would thus be
avoided, but I do fearlessly assert that until we have

lar^e body of competent Oriental linguists con-
r.c*( led with our press we are shamefully helpless to
prevent the spread of all kinds of mischievous misun-
derstandings and even of intentional falsehoods.

Let me give one illustration that I have already
published elsewhere. About a year ago, a correspon-
dent of a New York paper in Hawaii learned that the
Japanese there at a great gathering on one of their
national holidays listened with profound attention to
the reading of some Imperial Rescript, and he managed
to get this sentence: — **Jn case of emergency give
yourselves courageously to the State." He at once
wired his paper that the ex-soldiers of Japan had just
received an order from their Kmperor to be ready for
any emergency, and that this could have no other
meaning than getting ready for an attack on the
United States! When this was duly and impressively
published, the New York paper was informed by a
lady who had long lived in Japan as a teacher in one
of the highest schools for girls in Japan, that this
Rescript was promulgated in 1891 for especial use in
educational work, that it is read on national holidays in
all the schools of the Empire, including mission schools,
and that in a place like Hawaii where are some 60, 00c
Japanese laborers, it is a most natural thing to have
this moral Rescript read. Yet her letter of explaoa-
tion never appeared in the paper.

Among our press writers of the last yea-r, while of
course there were multitudes who took no stock in the
war agitation against Japan, and hundreds who wrote
with deep sincerity against the jingoes, yet they were
almost powerless to prevent the evil thinking which
the sensational press inspired by such heavy headlines
as these: — **jArAN Made Warlike Threat to Act
Against California"; ** The Yellow Peril, Its
Headquarters on this Continent"; ** Japan a
Menace to American Civilization"; **Says War
OF Races Will Shake the Earth."

No matter how much our Taft and Wright and
O'Brien — men who knew — said war was *'unthinkable"
and "not even respectable nonsense," these and
similar headlines were kept up with such persistency
that many honest minds were bewildered. One paper
at last said: — '*We wish it were possible to find the
fountain of falsehoods and guesses worse than false-
hood from which the press of the world is kept
misinformed as to the actual relations between this
country and Japan."

Well, it seems to me that one fountain of these
falsehoods is the almost absolute inability of our press
to get at facts first hand, because of the ignorance
on the part of our influential writers of the language
of Japan. Our government is slowly waking up to
the need of a body of trained interpreters, and six
students were appointed last year to study under our
Embassy in Tokyo. Our military department also, I
believe, is represented by a few officers who are study-
ing Japanese. I wonder how many, or rather how-
few, of the hundreds of officers of our fleet who were
so splendidly welcomed and entertained in Japan,
could carry on a conversation with their accomplished
hosts.

Our government has only a few trained Japanese
interpreters of whose work we may justly be proud.
But a great and neighboring nation like ours, upon
whom rests the exceedingly difficult and delicate
responsibility of exactly understanding every depart-

ment of national life in Japan, might well have ftcoret
of able university atudentt living here and studying in
the language of this people not only their diplomacy,
but their system of laws, education, morals, family
life, religion, business methods, their local self-govern-
ment, their monuments and history and art, and all
that goes to make up that unique spirit of Japan
called Yamaic Damashii. And if we had other scores
similarly equipped with the language in Hawaii and on
the Pacific Coast and in New York, to work in our
customs and police offices and as judges in our courts,
and to become possible candidates for our House of
Representatives, we should be in a far better condition
to meet the inevitable frictions and suspicions and mis-
reprcs s that ceaselessly tend to arise between

two 81. aally different peoples. There is no ex-

penditure of government money, in my judgment,
more necessary to a right understanding of the prob-
lems to be solved, and none that would be more
productive of abiding goodwill.

But our people should not await any action of the
government. Our universities should take steps at
once to make connection with the universities of
Japan for the purpose of having scores of fellowships
established here, where our gifted graduates can
study the language, literature, the customs and ideals
of the people, in order that, after their return, there
may be in our country a competent body of scholars
to write for our press and to give authoritative inter-
pretations of facts to the people. This is the one
necessary step to take in international education.
Every leading paper should have one such trained
writer on its staff, and then our press would reflect
with accuracy Japanese public opinion. It is a pleas-
ure to say that I know of four of our universities that
are considering with favor this plan.

Some of our universities have already done valuable
work in two ways: by e»nploying Japanese professors
to lecture on things Japanese, and by encouraging the
coming of students from the East to our institutions.

This is admirable, but any one can see that it is one
sided. There is just as much need, in view of press-
ing twentieth century problems, for us to have post-
graduate students at work in eastern universities, as
for the East to have her choice young men in western
universities.

Both as a government and as a people we are far
behind Japan in this essential step towards mutual
understanding. She has for decades called the United
States her teacher; and the wide welcome we have
given her students in all our institutions, and the
inspiration our political and educational and commer-
cial systems has given her, make us somewhat worthy
of the high appellation of teacher. But has not the
time come for us to return the compliment and take
Japan for our teacher ? I affirm unhesitatingly that
there is tio f:ov€rnnunt and people in the world that under-
stands all the nations as well as Japan does.

Just as soon as she began to get on her feet after
the shock of forced treaties with *' Western bar-
barians," she set herself the task of learning every-
thing possible about other peoples. The significant
words of the Imperial Oath taken at the Restoration,
— "We Shall Seek for Knowlldge Throughout
THE Whole World" — has been a ceaseless inspiration
to this open minded people. The government has
sent year after year, and still keeps it up, her
choicest students and officials to every nation to
study it in every department of social, political, com-
mercial, and moral life, and then to bring back the
knowledge gained for the use of the government
and for the education of the people.

But we of the Great Republic, with our inexhausti-
ble resources and institutions, and with our world
language into which is translated pretty much all the
wisdom of all times and places, we seem so satisfied
with our own priceless intellectual treasures that we
are apt to be dominated by the thought, **We are IT.
If you want to learn anything come to us and we will
teach you. If you have anything worth knowing,

bring it alonflr and translate it into English, and theo
wc will exaiuinc it at our convenience.

Thii thought unconftcioutly controls much of our
attitude towards the East. We have been thought-
lessly, if not cruelly, Uught to think of the peoples of
the East as '* heathen," and we give little credit to
their civilisation of millenniums. We have a tendency
to think < as immoral, counting of little value

their m«>t -it has conserved them forages, ele-

ments of which morality we may well incorporate into
our Christian civilization. We have hardly taken the
trouble to ask what is the secret of their persistence
and power, unless startling success in war has forced
us to begin to inquire.

This attitude is apparent wherever we meet Orien-
tals. We expect them to use our language whether
in their own country or in ours. We show them
plainly that we have no interest in their language.
We indulge in fatherly admiration of their use of
English, never raising the question whether we have
any obligation to learn to speak their language, nor
feeling anything of shame ia our attitude of lofty
superiority.

This came out in the welcome meeting given by the
Japan Society in New York to Baron Takahira, on his
appointment to the United States as Ambassador.
At this meeting of over three hundred ladies and
gentlemen of both nationalities, the Baron made an
able address in English on the relations between Japan
and the United States. Then Senator Depew was
called upon for a speech, and among other things he
said, **It is astonishing to hear this statesman from
distant Japan addressing us in stately language fit for
our senatorial hall." I wished he had gone on from
admiration of the Ambassador's English to the
on we ought to feel in view of the fact that
r have had, with the exception of one regular
interpreter in our Legation, an officer in diplomatic
or cnnmilar service in Japan who could address in

scholarly Japanese a company of ladies and gentlemen
such as welcomed the Baron.

I happened to be present at the reception tendered
by the Japanese residing in New York to Baron Saka-
tani in the spring of 1908. There was present about
an equal number of Americans and Japanese. Of the
five after dinner speeches by Dr. J. Takamine, Baron
Takahira, Baron Sakatani, the Consul General, and a
prominent banker, all but the Banker's were in Eng-
lish, out of respect to their American guests. I could
not but think that had a similar welcome been given
in Yokohama by American merchants and officials re-
siding there, out of five speeches by Americans to
their Japanese guests, there would be just five in
English.

To go on with this comparison, it may be said that
of the thirty Honorary Commercial Commissioners
from the Pacific Coast who visited Japan last fall, not
one could speak Japanese. English speaking Japanese
met them and accompanied them everywhere. Even
in the interior towns there were officials and business
men who welcomed them in English, as this sentence
from their official report shows; — ** Everywhere we
journeyed, in the villages and towns as well as in the
cities, delegations of prominent officials and business
men delivered addresses to us, a number of them being
in English." The representatives of the Japanese
Chambers of Commerce will return this friendly call in
the near future. And I wonder how many of our
officials and business men will welcome them in
Japanese, and show them what they want to see with
explanations in their native tongue. In all probability
every member of the coming Japanese commissioners
will speak English to some degree, some of them with
as perfect a swing as Baron Takahira or Dr. Takamine.

It is announced that an exchange of editors is
planned between Japan and the United States. We
may safely say that among the American editors who
are to visit Japan, there will not be one who can read
what the morning papers will say about them and the

.: I .1 . [.a[ ^ivc the ftate clue to public opinion.
\\[...c a:: ,; liic Japanese edituri who are to viMt
A:!' ! ( I li'ie will not be one who oinaot carry oo a
M)ii\c:s.tt.()ri in English and read our papers. And
several of them doubtless will leave valuable impres-
sions on large and appreciative audiences in our
(iiics as well as original articles in our principal
inagasines.

Now any one who thinks that the historic friendship
between these two great and ambitious peoples is per*
fectly safe under this oncsuled intercourse is, I fear,
blind to the trend of world movements. It is well
to have international visits, fur they help to change
wrong opinions. As the able Chairman of the Com-
missioners of the Pacific Coast says in his frank re-
port: — *' Before visiting the Empire of Japan none of
us had the slightest conception of the sentiments
which the people of that country bear to our people.
. . . The people of the United States ought to be
proud of the friends they have in the Far East." And
then the Report ends with a Resolution that amounts
to a discovery : —

**That the friendship and good will of the people
of the Empire of Japan towards the citizens of the
United States is unquestioned.'*

Thousands of tourists visit Japan, among whom are
some of our choicest scholars and officials and corre-
spomlfiits, yet they have to get their facts through
interpreters. 1 do not deny that one can get at facts
and the right interpretation of them without the
knowledge of the language, for some of our ablest
diplomats and authors are of that class. But I do
not hesitate to say that the peaceful development of
international relations and real friendship between the
peoples that control the Pacific, are always exposed,
in times of excitement, to gross misunderstandings,
which when exaggerated become a huge wave of dis-
trust, thus giving jingoes and demagogues their chance
to inflame the unthinking and to flourish their sense-
less war talk.

I have spoken mainly of Japan, for the people of
this land are our neighbors, whose friendship we
must strengthen by intellectual sympathy as well as
by commerce, if we would have their invaluable aid in
solving present and coming world problems. It is
the growing belief that something large must be un-
dertaken as soon as possible for international edu-
cation. For instance, in the Prime Minister's address
before that "forever memorable" Seventeenth Uni-
versal Peace Congress held in London, July, 1908, he
said with all the emphasis possible: —

** I have said it before, but I would say it again —
the viain thing is that nations should get to kno^a and
understand one another. "

To this should be added that governments, univer-
sities, churches, chambers of commerce, should have
some definite plan of raising up a body of sympathetic
scholars, who shall be first hand interpreters of one
nation to the other. If it is important that a hundred
American students should be sent to Oxford in order
that Americans may be better prepared to understand
the mother country with the same language, the same
religion, the same political institutions, and the same
family life, how much more necessary is it that our
universities should have at least as many students in
Japanese universities, who would return to be inter-
preters of the life and spirit of the people, and who
would become educators, ministers, judges, and con-
gressmen who know and are able to make others know
the truth about this nation with such a different
history, such a different moral and religious evolu-
tion.

Arbitration treaties, interchange of professors, inter-
national visits, the purification of international law,
peace societies, the Hague tribunal, the limitation of
armaments — all these are splendid manifestations of
the coming spirit of the world, but they will never
become the mighty influence they ought to be until
the nations make it a fundamental duty each to have
its own body of scholarly linguists whose great busi-

nesi it shall be "to get the nations to know and
understand one another."

What I have said applies with even more force when
Great China with her four hundred millions is taken
into consideration. For nearly a century we have
been facing this wonderfully great and dangerous
problem of intercourse with China. Apart from the
missionary movement, the main American thought
seems to be that Chinese students should come to
the United States in large numbers to study in our
institutions and thus take back our civilization to
China. Everybody welcomes the thought of having
that returned indemnity surplus spent in educating
scores and hundreds of Chinese students in our land.

Mr. Taft is made to say in a New York paper: —
"Frankness compels me to say that China should
send more young men to study conditions here, and
work for the improvement of their country. I have
often met Chinese students at Yale and wished
more like them wuuld come here. I think Chinese
educated in the United Sutes greatly benefit
China."

I do not believe that Mr. Taft is so one-sided as
these words imply, yet we must confess that this is
the American idea. I would like to add to the above
(juotatiun these words: — I think American students,
with postgraduate training in China, would greatly
benefit America. When a sufficient number of our
statesmen, our university heads, and our world mer-
chants begin to think of this necessity, we shall have
begun one practical step in carrying out Prime Minister
Asquith's earnest appeal that nations get to know and
understand one another.

We Americans are not the only ones who have this
one-sidedness towards the East. There is a plan in
England to have a large number of Japanese go to
Oxford. And as to France, my morning paper
announces that Mr. Albert Kahn, the eminent French
financier, on his visit to Japan, donated $10,000 to
the university to found scholarships for promoting the

viMis of Japanese to Europe. All of which is most
commendable, and such international kindness will
certainly bear good fruit. When, however, we add
that there are probably a thousand Japanese who
know the English or French language where there is
one Englishman or Frenchman who knows Japanese,
we are simply stating that the necessity is on us to
have a movement of students towards the East.

If it be true that Japan knows all the nations bet*
ter than any other nation does, then we might well
recognize Japan as the teacher of nations in the art of
knowing and understanding one another. If Japan
had not had thousands of scholars educated in Amer-
ica, among her military and civil officers, on her daily
press, among her educators, scattered all through the
the country, men who know and trust the real heart
of America, and so were able to refute the slanders
and insinuations of our agitators, and also to prevent
the influence of a similar class in Japan, that delight-
ful welcome of the Commissioners from the Pacific,
and that amazing welcome of our fleet would have
been impossible. And it would have been impossible
for Premier Marquis Katsura to have said as he did
with emphasis on November fourth, "1 have never
doubted the sincere friendship of the United States.
. . . In Japan both government and people are abso-
solutely one in their friendship for the United States ^ and
belief in your friendship for us."

It is this vast barrier of ignorance of the languages
and therefore of the heart of the peoples of the East
that constitutes a standing peril to international good
will. The remedying of this ignorance is one of the
most pressing steps to be taken in order that the mil-
lions of the East and the millions of the West may
come together on lines of mutual friendship.

J. H. De Forest
Sendai^ Japan,

COUNCIL OF DIRECnON OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONCOJATION

Ltmam Aworr. New Yoml

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CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE
it« Ru« om Vk TovB, Pamb, Fmmcs
^BridBBi Food BiBur , Babov D*B b to wuiiu jb »■ Comtaitt
MBBbBrlUgMOwft,:

International Qc^h^6k

PA'O P4 TRtA PER ORi

AMERICA AND THE NEW DIPLOMACY

JAMES BROWN SCOTT. J.U.D.

SoKcttor for the Depaitarai ol SiMt
MARCH. 1909. NO. 16

AmocmIms fof latamlMMMl

64(501 W«ill6ih SiiMi)
NcwYockGiX

The Executive Committee of the Association for International
Conciliation wish to arouse the interest of the American people
in the progress of the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship between nations.
To this end they print and circulate documents giving information
as to the progress of these movements, in order that individual
citizens, the newspaper press, and organizations of various kinds
may have readily available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar with the work
of the Association for International Conciliation, a list of its pub-
lications is subjoined.

1. Program of the Association, by Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant. April, 1907.

2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, by
Andrew Carnegie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907.

4. The Results of the Second Hague Conference, by Baron
d'EstournellesdeConstant and Hon. David J. Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown
Scott. January, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and
South America, by L. S. Rowe. April, 1908.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July, 1908.

9. The United Slates and France, by Barrett Wendell. August,
1908.

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco.
September, 1908.

11. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October,
1908.

12. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East,

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by
Charles Austin Beard. December, 1908.

14. The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst.
January, 1909.

15. American Ignorance o( Oriental Languages, by J. H. De
Forest. February, 1909.

16. America and the New Diplomacy, by James Brown Scott,
March, 1909.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, any one of the above
documents", or the copies of this Monthly Bulletin, will be sent
postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary of
the American Association for International Conciliation, Post Office
Sub-Station 84, New York, N. Y.

Executive Committee
Nicholas Mtrbav Butler Richard Watson Gilder

RiCHAKD BaRTHOLDT STEPHEN HeNRV OlIN

Lyman Adbott Seth I^>w

Jambs Spbyer Robert A. Franks

AMERICA AND THE NEW DIPLOMACY

The discovery of America opened up i new world;
the independence of the United States a new
diplomacy.

The discovery of America opened up a world to the
broken and depressed of Europe and gave them an
opportunity to begin life anew in a world in which
there were no traditions of the past, no limitations to
the future and which they might fashion according to
their will. From all lands they came, from Protestant
and Catholic communities, from countries speaking
various and discordant languages, the man of uncon-
querable mind and the broken in spirit, the rich and
the poor, the criminal and the outcast. Freed from
the restraint of the Old World they bred a race of
Freemen. By the sweat of their brow they prospered,
and unwilling to surrender the proceeds of their
industry and devotion or to yield to the Old World
what they had acquired in the New, they maintained
in war what they had acquired in peace. United by
oppression or fear of oppression, they sank their differ-
ences of race, of religion, of language and tradition,
founded a Republic and transmitted it to their off-
spring. Cast in the melting pot, they emerged from
the crucible a Union, a Nation, which has stood the
test of a Civil War at home and commands because
it deserves respect abroad. The experience of the

United States established the simple doctrine that
people of various nationalities may live side by side,
that questions of religion are no barrier to union for
the public good, and that groups of States possessing
local self-government in the highest sense of the word
may not only live in peace but safely entrust their
foreign relations to a central and self-constituted
authority, provided only that the Union be based
upon justice, and that it be administered in the inter-
est of the many rather than for the benefit of the few.
A new nation without the traditions and surround-
ings of the past, with no powerful neighbors seeking
its destruction, and able to husband its resources and
devote them to peaceable internal development in-
stead of squandering them upon petty ambitions
which have turned Europe into an armed camp, and
under the weight of which it staggers and groans, it
was to be expected that this Republic, brought little
by little into contact with the outer world, would
develop a diplomacy in keeping with its ideals in
which peace, necessary to the development of industry
and commerce, would be a cardinal policy. But the
peace which the Republic desired was the peace based
upon justice and upon the observance of its dictates.
The scrupulous observance of international duties
and obligations in Washington's administration; the
insistence that the rights which flow from the faithful
performance of international duties be assured to the

Republic; that these rights be measured and tested
by the principles of law rather than by an appeal to
the sword, made an era in diplomacy. The right of a
nation to pursue its ideal without hinderance from the
world at large; that it be not drawn into controversies
in which it has and can have no interest; that isola-
tion is not synonymous with indifference laid the
foundations of neutrality — the first fruits of the new
diplomacy.

As we have grown and expanded, our interests
have become greater and we are brought into daily
contact with the world at large; but the recognition
of the right of every nation to pursue peaceably its
own development, provided that this development
does not interfere with the normal and just develop-
ment of any and all nations, has made it possible to
maintain peace if nations really desire peace. We
resist aggression now as we resisted aggression from
Great Britain ; but we now as then and always have
been willing to test our rights by the principles of
justice and international law, and we maintain and
have maintained, in season and out of season, that no
nation has the right to resort to war unless all other
means of settlement have been tried and failed, and
only then, if the importance of the occasion justifies,
indeed compels, an appeal to arms.

We have found that a free and frank explanation of
our views prevents controversy and that if controversies

exist they may be settled by the discussion of their
causes, resulting in their removal. We do not use
force in our private relations; we settle our disputes
amicably, each renouncing, it may be, an extreme
right or pretention to reach an agreement, and we
believe that nations, which, after all, are but aggre-
gations of men, may settle their controversies in the
same manner. The policy of Washington in refrain-
ing from taking sides with Great Britain or France
during the wars of the French revolution developed
the law of neutrality, and it has been found that con-
troversies arising out of an alleged infraction of
neutrality, such as the Alabama claims, might be
settled by arbitration instead of resorting to force,
which settles a question of strength, not a question of
right. The arbitration of the Alabama disputes has
done more for the cause of arbitration and the peace-
ful settlement of international controversies than any
other single event in modern times. And the resort
to arbitration in these cases rather than the resort to
force is simply the practical application, on a large
scale, of the principle which Washington conceived
and gave to the world.

The Treaty of Peace with Great Britain recognizing
the Independence of the United States provided for
the settlement of boundary disputes and the payment
of sums due British creditors. The boundaries were
not settled, the claims of British subjects were not

. the illegal capture of American merchantmen
.^ iged in a legitimate trade with France which the
United States as a neutral nation had a perfect right
to conduct, generated bitterness of feeling and the
two nations were drifting slowly but surely into war.
lo prevent this calamity, Washington sent John Jay,
the Chief Justice of the United States, to Great
Britain in order to settle the controversies or to pro-
vide means for their settlement. Jay was a trained
lawyer and believed in the adjustment of irreconcilable
ilifTerences by judicial means. Great Britain in the
time of Cromwell had negotiated arbitration treaties
and had settled various acute controversies by means
of mixed commissions. When Jay proposed in Articles
V, VI and VII of the Treaty of 1794, known by his
name. Great Britain accepted the proposition, and the
success of the Commission appointed in pursuance of
Article VII, dealing with the complicated questions
arising out of the illegal captures of American mer-
chantmen, in violation of neutrality, offers the first
instance of modern arbitration. The policy was not
confined to Great Britain. We provided for arbitra-
tion of outstanding difficulties with Spain and France,
and in the Treaty of 18x4, concluding the unfortunate
war with Great Britain, provision for the arbitration
of various controversies between the two countries
A' as made. Since then the United States has pursued
the policy of negotiation by diplomatic means, and

where diplomacy has failed to secure an adjustment
has insisted upon arbitration; for we should not,
indeed we must not, demand from others that which a
tribunal composed of indifferent and impartial judges
would not award. The six volumes of Moore's Inter-
national Arbitrations, to which the United States has
been a party, show with what persistence we have
clung to the doctrine in the days of our strength as
well as in the days of our weakness. At the present
moment, the State Department is negotiating treaties,
by the terms of which present and future difficulties
between Canada and the United States will be settled
by judicial means; a treaty with Great Britain by
means of which the fishery rights of the United States
in New Foundland waters will be interpreted and
decided by the permanent Court at The Hague, and
a Claims Convention for the adjustment of pecuniary
claims between the citizens of the United States and
the subjects of Great Britain.

But it is not enough that we settle present con-
troversies by judicial means ; we should provide
that future difficulties susceptible of judicial treat-
ment be referred to International Commissions or
Tribunals of Arbitration. Such treaties we have
not had in the past, but to be logical and con-
sistent partisans of arbitration we should bind our-
selves by a present agreement to arbitrate future
differences. Therefore, continuing this policy and

Icvclopmg It naturally, logically and conttitently, the
State Department hat, within the past year, already
negotiated and signed twenty-four agreementf with
European nations, sister Republics of Latin- America,
China and Japan, by which the United States and
the foreign countries pledge themselves to submit to
the permanent Court at The Hague, controversies
of a legal nature and disputes concerning the inter-
pretation and application of treaties and conventions,
excluding therefrom only questions involving the inde-
pendence, the vital interests and honor of the con-
tracting parties.

Our own experience has shown us that differences
of nationality are not insuperable difficulties; that the
existence of States possessing local self-governments
offers no serious impediment to the judicial settlement
of controversies which would produce war between
equal and sovereign nations; that a Supreme Court
is necessary for the interpretation of an instrument to
which the 46 States composing the American Union
are parties, and we believe that an International
Court, created by the 46 nations of the world recogniz-
ing and applying international law, is as necessary for
the interpretation of international conventions and
the settlement of judicial questions as a Supreme
Court is to the 46 States composing the American
I'lKMii We believe, further, that this Court can be

rcatcd by the nations; that it will be created by the

naiions if and when they recognize the importance of
its existence and the services it may render to inter-
national justice. That the existence of international
conventions necessitates the establishment of such a
Court for the authoritative interpretation of treaties
to which the world at large is a party, and that such a
Court, composed of judges acting under a sense of
judicial responsibility, representing the various
languages and the systems of jurisprudence, will at no
distant date be created at The Hague.

The policy of the State Department, therefore, in
negotiating treaties of arbitration, will bring into
relief the necessity of such a Court, and that these
treaties of arbitration, important in themselves, are
but a means, not an end.

At the second Hague conference a project was
adopted providing for the organization, jurisdiction
and procedure of a Court of Arbitral Justice. The
judges are to be appointed by agreement reached
through diplomatic channels, and it is to be hoped
that an international opinion so strong and insistent
will be generated by the movement in favor of arbitra-
tion that this Court will be established within the next
few years. If so, it will be the triumph of the new
diplomacy which seeks the settlement of international
controversies by the appeal to reason, and which
recognizes that permanent peace can only be based
upon the principles of justice. The doctrine of

neutraJity and all its contequences wai an Amc..^....
doctrine. The settlement of international disputes by
temporary commissions and tribunals of arbitration is
an American doctrine, dating from jay*s treaty. The
establishment of an International Tribunal, always in
session to receive and decide controversies susceptible
of judicial decision, composed of permanent trained
judges, acting under a sense of judicial responsibility,
representing the various languages and systems of
jurisprudence, will be the triumph of an American
ideal and will be the culmination of what we may
fairly and properly call **the new diplomacy," the
diplomacy which appeals to reason and bottoms itself
upon justice.

JAMES BROWN SCOTT

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

Lyman Abaott. Ntw Youk.

Ckarlbs Francis Adams, Boston.

Edwin A. Aldbrman, Charlottuvillk, Va.

Charles H. Ames, Boston, Mass.

Richard Bartholdt, M. C, St. Loris, Mo.

CurroN R. Brbcksnkidgb, Vokt Smith, Arkamsa*.

William |. Bryan, Lincoi n. Neb.

T. K. I'.! KTON. M. C, Clkvkland. Ohio.

Nicif ixBR, New York.

And >kw York.

Edw v 1 York.

fosBrn H. Ch-jatl. New York.

KiCHAiiD H. Dana, Bosros, Mass.

ArTHI-R L. DaSHRK, Mv'>n. c. \.

Horace E. I)eming, N

Cmari.rs W. Eliot. ( Mass.

iOHN \V. F.MKK. W ». C.

:obrrt a I ! . N. J.

RiciiAKo \v New York.

John Art i v, York.

Iamrs M. « ity. Mo.

Franklin I

William j. •, Pa.

Hamilton Huli, Ni;w Vi.'kk.

iAMEs L. Hol(;htalinc, Chicago. III.
>AViD Starr Jordan. Stanford University, Cau
Edmond Kelly, New York.
Adolph Lewisohn, New York.
Seth Low. New York.
Clarence H. Mackav. New York.
W. A. Mahonv. CoLi'MBis, Ohio.
Brander Matthew?, New York.
W. W. Morrow. San Francisco, Cal.
Gborge B. McClkllan, Mayor of New York.
Levi P. Morton, New York.
Silas McBee, New York.
Simon Nkwcomb, Washington, D. C.
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Biffalo. N. Y.
Ira Remsen, Baltimore, Md.

tAMES Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass.
lowARD J. Rogers, Albany. N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washi.vcton. I). C.
I. G. Schurman. Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Sblicman, New York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III.
William M. Sloane, New York.
Albert K. Smiley, Lake Mohonk, N. V.

iAMEs Speyer, New York.
>scAR S. Stkacs, Washington. D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, San Francisco, Cal.
Gborge W. Taylor, M. C, Demopolis, Ala.
O. H. Tittman, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN. New York.
Benjamin Tkvbblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tlck, Pakis, France.
William D. Whbblwright, Portland, Orb.

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE

iiQ Ri'E DE LA Tour, Paris, France

President Fondateur. Baron D'Estocrnellbs de Constant

Member Hague Court, Senator

Honorary Presidents : Berthelot and Leon Bourgeois, Senator*

Secretaries General: A. Metin and Jules Rais

Treasurer: AliiERT Kahn

International Cqnqli^on

I'KO PA TKIA PBIt OltBISKOSCO.

THE DELUSION OF MIUTy

(R.|>«t«l wiri> p«MMa (raa dM AdMiic MomMt. Matdi. 1909)

«v

CHARLES E. JEFFERSON. D.D.
APR1UI909.N«.I7

fori

84(S0I W«in6d»SiMrt)
NewYoAOtr

The Executive Committee cf the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 22.

THE DELUSION OF MILITARISM

The future historian of the firtt decade of tbe
twentieth century will be puxzled. He will 5nd that
the world at the opening of the century was in an
extraordinarily belligerent mood, and that the mood
was well-nigh universal, dominating the New World
as well as the Old, the Orient no less than the Occi-
dent. He will find that preparations for war, especially
among nations which confessed allegiance to the
Prince of Peace, were carried forward with tremendous
energy and enthusiasm, and that the air was filled
with prophetic voices, picturing national calamities
and predicting bloody and world-embracing conflicts.

Alongside of this fact he will find another fact no
less conspicuous and universal, that everybody of
importance in the early years of the twentieth century
was an ardent champion of peace. He will find incon-
testable evidence that the King of England was one
of the truest friends of peace who ever sat on the
English throne, that the German Emperor proclaimed
repeatedly that the cause of peace was ever dear to
his heart, that the President of the United States was
so effective as a peacemaker that he won a prize for
ending a mighty war, that the Czar of Russia was so
zealous in his devotion to peace that he called the
nations to meet in solemn council to consider meas-
ures for ushering in an era of universal amity and
good will, and that the President of France, the King
of Italy, and the Mikado of Japan were not a whit
behind their royal brethren in offering sacrifices on
the altar of the Goddess of Peace. A crowd of royal
peacemakers in a world surcharged with thoughts and
threats of war, a band of lovers strolling down an
avenue which they themselves had lined with lyddite
shells and twelve-inch guns, this will cause our hit*
tonan to rub his eyes.

In his investigations he will find that the world's
royal counselors and leading statesmen were also,
without exception, wholeheartedly devoted to the
cause of conciliation. He will read with admiration
the speeches of Prince Billow, Sir Henry Campbell-
Bannerman, Mr. H. H. Asquith, Mr. John Hay, and
Mr. Elihu Root, and will be compelled to confess that
the three leading nations of our Western world never
in the entire course of their history had statesmen
more pacific than these in temper, or more eloquent
in their advocacy of the cause of international good
will. A galaxy of peace-loving statesmen under a sky
black with the thunder-clouds of war, this is certain
to bewilder our historian.

His perplexity will become no less when he con-
siders the incontrovertible proofs that never since
time began were the masses of men so peaceably
inclined as in just this turbulent and war-rumor-
tormented twentieth century. He will find that science
and commerce and religion had cooperated in bringing
the nations together, that the wage-earners in all the
European countries had begun to speak of one
another as brothers, and that the growing spirit of
fraternity and cooperation had expressed itself in
such organizations as the Interparliamentary Union,
with a membership of twenty-five hundred legislators
and statesmen, and various other societies and leagues
of scholars and merchants and lawyers and jurists.
He will find delegations paying friendly visits to
neighboring countries, and will read, dumbfounded,
what the English and German papers were saying
about invasions, and the need of increased arma-
ments, at the very time that twenty thousand
Germans in Berlin were applauding to the echo the
friendly greetings of a company of English visitors.
And he will be still more nonplussed when he reads
that, while ten thousand boys and girls in Tokio were
singing loving greetings to our naval officers, there
were men in the United States rushing from city to
city urging the people to prepare for an American-

japancf^e war. It will seem inexplicable to • ' -o.
rtan ttiai when peace and arbitratiun and c< >n

societies were multiplying in every Imnd, and when
men seemed to hate war with an abhorrence never
known in any preceding era, there should be a deluge
of war-talk flowing like an infernal tide acrott the
world.

His bewilderment, however, will reach tu climax
when he discovers that it was after the establishment of
an international court that all the nations voted to in-
crease their armaments. Everybody conceded that it
was better to settle international disputes by reason
rather than by force, but as soon as the legal machin-
ery was created, by -neans of which the swords could
be dispensed with, there was a fresh fury to perfect at
once all the instruments of destruction. After each
new peace conference there was a fresh cry for more
guns. Our historian will read with gladness the rec-
ords of the Hague Conference, and of the laying of the
foundation of a periodic Congress of Nations, and of
a permanent Hi^h Court. He will note the neutraliza-
tion of Switzerland, Belguim, and Norway; the com-
pact entered into by the countries bordering on the
North Sea, to respect one another's territorial rights
forever: the agreement of the same sort solemnly
ratified by all the countries bordering on the Baltic;
the signing of more than sixty arbitration treaties,
twelve of these by the Senate of the United States;
the creation of an International Bureau of American
Republics, embracing twenty-one nations; the estab-
lishment of a Central American High Court; the
elaboration and perfection of legal instruments look-
ing toward the parliament of man, the federation of
the world.

He will note also that while these splendid achieve-
ments of the peace spirit were finding a habitation
and a name, the nations were thrilled as never before
by dismal forbodings, and the world was darkened by
whispers uf death and destruction. While the Palace
of Peace at The Hague was building, nations hailed

the advent of the airship as a glorious invention,
because of the service it could render to the cause of
war. This unprecedented growth of peace sentiment,
accompanied by a constant increase of jealousy and
suspicion, of fear and panic, among the nations of the
earth, will set our historian to work to ascertain the
meaning of this strange phenomenon, the most singu-
lar perhaps to be met with in the entire history of the
world.

It will not take him long to discover that the foun-
tains from which there flowed these dark and swollen
streams of war rumor were all located within the
military and naval encampments. It was the experts
of the army and navy who were always shivering at
some new peril, and painting sombre pictures of what
would happen in case new regiments were not added
to the army and additional battleships were not voted
for the fleet. It was Lord Roberts, for instance, who
discovered how easily England could be overrun by a
German army; and it was General Kuropatkin who
had discernment to see that the Russo-Japanese war
was certain to break out again. The historian will
note that the magazine essays on **Perils*' were written
for the most part by military experts, and that the
newspaper scare-articles were the productions of young
men who believed what the military experts had told
them. Many naval officers, active and retired, could
not make an after-dinner speech without casting over
their hearers the shadow of some impending conflict.

It was in this way that legislative bodies came to
think that possibly the country was really in danger;
and looking round for a ground on which to justify
new expenditures for war material, they seized upon
an ancient pagan maxim, — furnished by the military
experts, — "If you wish peace, prepare for war."
The old adage, once enthroned, worked with the
energy of a god. The love of war had largely passed
away. The illusion which for ages it had created in
the minds of millions had lost its spell. Men had
come to see that war is butchery, savagery, murder,

hell. Ill cd in reason. Peace WM teen to be

the une > blcftking fi>r the world, but to pre-

serve the peace it was necesitary to prepare for war.
1 his lay at the centre of the policy of the twentieth
century. No gunt were asked for to kill men with —
guns were mounted as safeguards of the peace. No
battleships were launched to fight with — they were
preservers of the peace. Colossal armies and gigantic
navies were exhibited as a nation's ornaments — beauti-
ful tokens of its love of peace. And following thus
the Angel of Peace, the nations increased their arma-
nirnts until they spent upon them over two billions of
doli.irs every year, and had amassed national debts
aggregating thirty-five billions. The expenditure
crushed the poorest of the nations and crippled the
richest of them, but the burden was gladly borne
because it was a sacrifice for the cause of peace.
It was a pathetic and thrilling testimony of the human
heart's hatred of war and longing fur peace, when the
nations became willing to bankrupt themselves in the
effort to keep from fightmg.

But at this point our historian will begin to ask
whether there might have been any relation between
the multiplication of the instruments of slaughter and
the constant rise of the tide of war talk and war feel-
ing. He will probably suspect that the mere presence
of the shining apparatus of death may have kindled in
men's hearts feelings of jealousy and distrust, and
created panics which even Hague Conferences and
peaceful-minded rulers and counselors could not
possibly allay. When he finds that it was only men
who lived all their life with guns who were haunted by
horrible visions and kept dreaming hideous dreams,
and that the larger the armament the more was a
nation harassed by fears of invasion and possible
annihilation, he will pro{)ound to himself these ques-
: Was it all a delusion, the notion that vast
try and naval establishments are a safeguard of
the peace? Was it a form of national lunacy, this
frenzied outpouring of national treasure for the

engines of destruction? Was it an hallucination, this
feverish conviction that only by guns can a nation's
dignity be symbolized, and her place in the world's
life and action be honorably maintained ?

These are questions which our descendants are
certain to ponder, and why should not we face them
now? If this preparing for war in order to keep the
peace is indeed a delusion, the sooner we find it out
the better, for it is the costliest of all obsessions by
which humanity has ever been swayed and mastered.
There are multiplying developments which are leadmg
thoughtful observers to suspect that this pre-Christian
maxim is a piece of antiquated wisdom, and that the
desire to establish peace in our modern world by
multiplying and brandishing the instruments of war is
a product of mental aberration. Certainly there are
indications pointing in this direction. The world's
brain may possibly have become unbalanced by a
bacillus carried in the folds of a heathen adage. The
most virulent and devastating disease now raging on
the earth is militarism.

The militarist of our day betrays certain symptoms
with which the student of pathology is not altogether
unfamiliar. There are obsessions which obtain so
firm a grip upon the mind that it is difficult to banish
them. For example, a man who has the impression
that he is being tracked by a vindictive and relentless
foe is not going to sit down and quietly listen to an
argument the aim of which is to prove that no such
enemy exists, and that the sounds which have caused
the panic are the footfalls of an approaching friend.
The militarist will listen to no man who attempts to
prove that his ** perils" are creations of the brain.
Indeed, he is exceedingly impatient under contradic-
tion; and, here again, he is like all victims of hallu-
cinations. To deny his assumptions or to question
his conclusions, is to him both blasphemy and treason,
a sort of profanity and imbecility worthy of contempt
and scorn. He alone stands on foundations which
cannot be shaken, and other men who do not possess

hit iniiile information, or technical training for deal-
ing with such questions, are living in a fool's paradise.
The ferocity with which he attacks all who dare
oppose him is the fury of a man whose brain U
abnormally excited.

Recklessness of consequences is a trait which physi-
cians usually look for in certain types of mental
disorder, and here again the militarist presents the
symptoms of a man who is sick. What cares he for
consequences? The naval experts of Germany are
dragging the German Empire ever deeper into debt,
unabashed by the ominous mutterings of a coming
storm. The naval experts of England go right on
launching Dreadnoughts, while the number of British
paupers grows larger with the years, and all British
problems become increasingly baffling and alarming.
The naval experts of Russia plan for a new billion-
dollar navy, notwithstanding Russia's national debt is
four and one-quarter billion dollars, and to pay her
current expenses she is compelled to borrow seventy-
five million dollars every year. With millions of her
people on the verge of starvation, and beggars swarm-
ing through the streets of her cities and round the
stations of her railways, the naval experts go on ask-
ing new appropriations for guns.

The terror of a patient who is suffering from mental
derangement is often pathetic. Surround him with
granite walls, ten in number, and every wall ten feet
thick, and he will still insist that he is unprotected.
So it is with the militarist. No nation has ever yet
voted appropriations sufficient to quiet his uneasy
heart. England's formula of naval strength has for
some time been: The British navy in capital ships
must equal the next two strongest navies, plus ten
per cent. But notwithstanding the British navy is
to-day in battleships and cruisers and torpedo boats
almost equal to the next three strongest navies, never
has England's security been so precarious, according
to her greatest military experts, as to-day. It has
been discovered at the eleventh hour that her mighty

navy is no safeguard at all, unless backed up by a
citizen army of at least a million men. It was once
the aim to protect England dig;\\v\s\. probabU combina-
tions against her. The ambition now is to protect
her against all possible combinations. In the words of
a high authority in the British army, she must protect
herself not only against the dangers she has any
reason to expect, but also against those which nobody
expects.

Like many another fever, militarism grows by what
it feeds on, and unless checked by heroic measures is
certain to burn the patient up. Men in a delirium
seldom have a sense of humor. The world is fearfully
grim to them, and life a solemn and tragic thing.
They express absurdities with a sober face, and make
ridiculous assertions without a smile. It may be that
the militarists are in a sort of delirium. At any rate,
they publish articles entitled, ''Armies the Real Pro-
moters of Peace," without laughing aloud at the gro-
tesqueness of what they are doing.

The militarist is comic in his seriousness. He says
that if you want to keep the peace you must prepare
for war, and yet he knows that where men prepare for
war by carrying bowie knives, peace is a thing
unheard of, and that where every man is armed with
a revolver, the list of homicides is longest. He
declares his belief in kindly feelings and gentle man-
ners, and proceeds at once to prove that a nation
ought to make itself look as ferocious as possible. In
order to induce nations to be gentlemen, he would
have them all imitate the habits of rowdies. To many
persons this seems ludicrous, to a militarist it is no
joke. He is a champion of peace, but he wants to carry
a gun. The man who paces up and down my front
pavement with a gun on his shoulder may have peace-
ful sentiments, but he does not infuse peace into me.
It does not help matters for him to shout out every
few minutes, " I will not hurt you if you behave your-
self," for I do not know his standard of good behavior,
and the very sight of the gun keeps me in a state of

• iiic alarm. iiut the nnuiarihi »a)!» mat, tor
noting harmonious sentiments and peaceful emo-
li liti, there is nothing equal to an abundance of
well-constructed guns.

A droll man indeed is the militarist What matters
it what honeyed words the King of England and the
(terman Kaiser interchange, so long as each nation
hears constantly the launching by the other of a
i.tt^er battleship? And even though Prince Bolow
may say to Mr. Asquith a hundred times a week, '*We
mean no harm," and Mr. As<}uith may shout back,
'* We are your friends," so long as London and Berlin
are never beyond earshot of soldiers, who are prac-
ticing how to shoot to kill, just so long will England
and Germany be flooded with the gossip of hatred,
and thrown into hysteria by rumors of invasion and
carnage.

Like many other diseases, militarism is contagious.
One nation can be infected by another until there is an
epidemic round the world. A parade of battleships
can knuile fires in the blood of even peaceful peoples,
aiui iru rease naval appropriations in a dozen lands.
Is it possible, some one asks, for a world to become
insane? That a community can become crazy was
proved by Salem, in the days of the witchcraft delu-
sion ; that a city can lose its head was demonstrated
by London, at the time of the Gunpowder Plot; that
a continent can become the victim of an hallucination
was shown when Europe lost its desire to live, and
w.iited for the end of the world in the year looo.
U iiy should it be counted incredible that many nations,
bound together by steam and electricity, should fall
under the spell of a delusion, and should act for a
season like a man who has gone mad? But is it not
true that the world has gone mad? The masses of
men are sensible; but at present the nations are in the
clutches of the militarists, and no way of escape has
yet been discovered. The deliverance will come as
soon as men begin to think and examine the sophis*
tries with which militarism has flooded the world.

Certain facts will surely, some day, burn themselves
into the consciousness of all thinking men. The ex-
pensiveness of the armed peace is just beginning to
catch the eye of legislators. The extravagance of
the militarists will bring about their ruin. They cry
for battleships at ten million dollars each, and Parlia-
ment or Congress votes them. But later on it is ex-
plained that battleships are worthless without cruisers,
cruisers are worthless without torpedo boats, torpedo
boats are worthless without torpedo-boat destroyers,
all these are worthless without colliers, ammunition
boats, hospital boats, repair boats ; and these altogether
are worthless without deeper harbors, longer docks,
more spacious navy yards. And what are all these
worth without officers and men, upon whose education
millionsof dollars have been lavished? When at last the
navy has been fairly launched, the officials of the army
come forward and demonstrate that a navy, after all,
is worthless unless it is supported by a colossal land
force. Thus are the governments led on, step by step,
into a treacherous morass, in which they are at first
entangled, and finally overwhelmed.

All the great nations are to-day facing deficits, caused
in every case by the military and naval experts. Into
what a tangle the finances of Russia and Japan have
been brought by militarists is known to everybody.
Germany has, in a single generation, increased her
national debt from eighteen million dollars to more than
one billion dollars. The German Minister of Finance
looks wildly round in search of new sources of national
income. Financial experts confess that France is ap-
proaching the limit of her sources of revenue. Her
deficit is created by her army and navy. The British
government is always seeking for new devices by means
of which to fill a depleted treasury. Her Dreadnoughts
keep her poor. Italy has for years staggered on the
verge of bankruptcy because she carries an overgrown
army on her back. Even our own rich republic faces
this year a deficit of over a hundred million dollars,
largely due to the one hundred and thirty millions we

arc spciulint; on uur navy. Mr. ( oriclycKi hat called
our attention to the fact that while in thirty years we
have increased our |Mipula« j; |)cr cent, and our

wealth by 185 per ccni. wc i i cased our national

expenses by 400 per cent.

It is within those thirty years that we have spent
one billion dollars on our navy. And the end is not
yet. The Secretary of the Navy has recently asked
for twenty-seven additional vessels for the coming
year, four of which are battleships at ten million dol-
lars each, and he is frank to say that these twenty-
seven are only a fraction of the vessels to be asked
for later on. We have already, built or building,
thirty-one 6rst-class battleships, our navy ranking
next to Great Britain, Germany standing third, France
fourth, and Japan fifth : but never has the naval lobby
at Washington been so voracious and so frantic for
additional safeguards of the peace as to-day.

The militarists are peace-at-anyprice men. They
are determined to have peace even at the risk of
national bankruptcy. Everything good in Germany,
Italy, Austria, England, and Russia is held back by
the confiscation of the proceeds of industry carried
on for the support of the army and navy. In the
United States the development of our resources is
checked by this same fatal policy. We have millions
of acres of desert land to be irrigated, millions of
acres of swamp land to be drained, thousands of miles
of inland waterways to be improved, harbors to be
deepened, canals to be dug, and forests to be safe-
guarded, and yet for all these works of cardinal im-
portance we can afford only a pittance. We have not
sufficient money to pay decent salaries to our United
States judges, or to the men who represent us abroad.
We have pests, implacable and terrible, like the gypsy
moth, and plagues like tuberculosis, for whose exter-
mination millions of money are needed at once.

On every hand we are hampered and handicapped,
because we are spending two-thirds of our enormous
revenues on pensions for past wars, and on equipment

for wars yet to come. The militarists begrudge
every dollar that does not go into army or navy.
They believe that all works of internal improvement
ought to be paid for by the selling of bonds, even the
purchase of sites for new post-offices being made pos-
sible by mortgaging the future. They never weary of
talking of our enormous national wealth, and laugh at
the niggardly mortals who do not believe in investing
it in guns. Why should we not spend as great a pro-
portion of our wealth on military equipment as the
other nations of the world? This is their question,
and the merchants and farmers will answer it some
day.

This delusion threatens to become as mischievous
as it is expensive. Every increase in the American
navy strengthens the militarists in London, Berlin, and
Tokio. The difficulty of finding a reason for an
American navy increases the mischief. Why should
the United States have a colossal navy? No one out-
side the militarists can answer. Because there is no
ascertainable reason for this un-American policy, the
other American countries are becoming frightened.
Brazil has just laid down an extravagant naval pro-
gramme, for the proud Republic of the South cannot
consent to lie at the mercy of the haughty Republic
of the North. The new departure of Brazil has
bewitched Argentina from the vision which came to
her before the statue of Christ, which she erected high
up amid the Andes, and has fired her with a desire to
rival in her battleships her ambitious military neigh-
bor. We first of all have established militarism in the
Western world, and are by our example dragging
weaker nations into foolish and suicidal courses,
checking indefinitely the development of two con-
tinents.

Our influence goes still further. It sets Australia
blazing, and shoves Japan into policies which she can-
not afford. But we cannot harm foreign nations
without working lasting injury on ourselves. The
very battleships which recently kindled the enthusiasm

of ( hildren in South America, Australia, and lafNUi,
alNo .si It red the hearts of American boyt and ffirit
along our Atlantic and Pacific teaboardf, strengthen-
ing In them impulses and ideals of an Old World
whh h struggled and suffered before Jesus came. It
is children who receive the dee|>est impressions from
pageants and celebrations, and who can measure the
damage wrought upon the world by the parade of
American battleships? « Children cannot look upon
symbols of brute force, extolled and exalted by their
cUicrs, without getting the impression that a nation's
power is measured by the calibre of its guns, and that
its influence is determined by the explosive force of
its shells. A fleet of battleships gives a wrong impres-
sion of what America is, and conceals the secret which
has made America great. Children do not know that
we became a great world-power without the assistance
of either army or navy, building ourselves up on ever-
lasting principles by means of our schools and our
churches. The down-pulling force of our naval
pageant was not needed in a world already dragged
down to low levels by the example of ancient nations,
entangled by degrading traditions from which they
are struggling to escape. The notion that this exhibi-
tion of battleships has added to our prestige among
men whose opinion is worthy of consideration, or has
made the world love us better, is only another feature
of the militarist delusion.

There are delusions which are fatal, and this may
be one of them. The most important drama to be
acted within the next five hundred years will be played
around the Pacific. In this drama our republic is
destined to take an important part. At present we
are the most influential nation bordering on its waters.
It is for us chiefly to determine what the future shall
be. We can make the Pacific what it is in name, a
peaceful sea. Hoth the Japanese and the Chinese are
peace-loving peoples. They will not fight unlets
driven to it. They need all their money for schools
and internal improvements. We can make treaties

with both countries which will renucr \var an impossi-
bility. The Philippines can be neutralized as Switzer-
land has been neutralized, so that they shall be safe
without the protection of a single gun. Why not do
this? We cannot flourish a deadly bludgeon without
Japan doing the same. What Japan does, China must
do also. She is already adding yearly twenty-five
thousand soldiers to her army, and by and by she will
build a fleet which will rival those of the United States
and Japan combined. An empire of four hundred
million people will not lie supine indefinitely, allowing
armed nations to trample upon her at their own sweet
pleasure. Our present policy will compel China to
build battleships, and into these ships will go the
bread of millions of Chinamen, and the education of
tens of millions of Chinese boys and girls. And then
what? One never knows what a peaceable nation
may do when once the slumbering devils of the heart
are stirred to action by the sight of guns and the
thought of blood. China has suffered grievous wrongs.
She, like other nations, may find that revenge is sweet.
Militarists assure us that some day a clash between
the white and yellow races is inevitable. They say,
" Whet your swords, multiply your battleships, prepare
your shells, get ready for the fateful hour." The
militarists have good reason to be frightened if America
must meet the Orient on the battlefield. Gunpowder
and lyddite obliterate social and racial distinctions,
and put men on an equal footing. The Chinese coolie
can, after a little practice, shoot a gun as accurately
as can the graduate from Yale or Harvard. The fol-
lower of Confucius is the peer of the follower of Jesus
when both men are armed with rifles. In the realm of
force intellectual distinctions count for little, and
spiritual attainments are less than nothing. If the
Christian West consents to fight the Pagan East with
swords and guns, she abdicates the advantage which
she has won by the struggle of a thousand years, and
comes down to fight upon the same level on which men
stood in the days of Caesar. Array a thousand Christian

boys against a thousand Confucian boys, give the order,
'*Fire!" and when the smoke has cleared away you
will find among the dead aa many Christian boys aa
boys whose skin is yellow. In the realm of carnage,
victory goes to superior numbers, and not to character
and culture. We have the culture, China has the
numbers, but numbers outweigh the virtues and graces
of a Christian heart.

The yellow peril is indeed portentous if we propose
to meet China on i ' cfield. Why not make such

a meeting an impo^- r Why not do for the Pacific

what our fathers did for tne Canadian border ? They
prepared for peace and got it. Why not spend millions
of dollars in cementing the friendship of Orient and
Occident, and work without ceasing to keep the temper
of the two worlds fraternal and sweet ? Instead of
sending on battleships, at an enormous cost, a few
thousand young men who represent neither the brain
nor the culture of our country, why not send to China
and Japan at governmental expense delegations of
teachers and publicists, editors and bankers, farmers
and lawyers, physicians and labor leaders, men who
can give the Orient an idea of what sort of people we
are ? We can send a thousand such representatives
across the Pacific every year for the next hundred
years for less money than we are spending this year
on our navy. No such blundering and extravagant
method of exchanging international courtesies has ever
been devised as that of sending to foreign capitals
naval officers and sailors on battleships and cruisers.

Countries never fight whose influential citizens know
one another. Why not get acquainted with our Eastern
neighbors ? In the arts of peace we are their superior.
In the art of war China can become our equal in a
single generation, just as Japan in one generation has
risen to the military level of Russia. Military virtues
are simple, and can be rapidly developed. They run
through the stages of their evolution swiftly and come
to perfection early. The virtues of a Christlike spirit
are the beautiful growths of a thousand years, and we

are insane if we are willing to jeopardize what we have
gained by infinite sacrifice and effort, by entering a
field upon which victory depends upon neither beauty
of spirit nor nobility of heart, but upon the shrewd
manipulation of physical forces. The thing we ought
to say to the Orient again and again, both by word and
by deed, is, **We believe in peace ! We abhor war !
It is contrary to our nature, opposed by our religion,
hostile to our ideals and traditions. We do not believe
in settling disputes by force. We believe in reason.
See our hands, we carry no bludgeons. Search us, we
own no concealed weapons. Trust us, for we are going
to trust you. Let us work together for our mutual
advantage, and the progress of humanity!"

But, delusion or not, can one nation hold aloof from
this dance of death so long as other nations keep on
dancing ? Of course, America will limit her armament
provided other nations do the same. But — we are
asked — is it wise or safe for our republic, isolated and
alone, to say boldly, *'We will go no further in this
business. Let other nations do what they will, America
at any rate is going to pour her gold hereafter into the
channels of education and economic development."
Why not say this ? To be sure, it would be a risk, but
why not run the risk ? We are incurring far greater
risks by our present policy. We are running the risk
of changing the temper of our people, introducing
structural changes in our form of government, and em-
broiling ourselves with nations which are now friendly.
Preparing for war is hazardous business. It is not
time, we all admit, for disarmament. America must
do her part in the policing of the seas. It is not the
hour to discuss even a reduction in armaments. Our
battleships are not going to be sold at auction. We
all agree that America must have a navy adequate to
her needs. But has not the time arrived to call a halt
in this indefinite expansion of an ever bigger navy?
The militarists are just now asking Congress for
26,000-ton battleships carrying 14-inch guns, and a
high naval authority says that the advisability of

building even 40,000 or 50,000 or 6o,ooo-ton battlethipt
it **the mature opinion of many of the ablest and mott
conservative officers of our navy to-day.'* What the
radicals want is not yet discloMd.

Much has been written about the horrors of war;
the time has come to write of the horrors of an armed
peace. In many ways it is more terrible than war.
War is soon over, and the wounds heal. An armed
peace goes on indefinitely, and its wounds gape and
fester and poison all the air. War furnishes opportunity
for men to be brave; an armed peace gives rise to
interminable gossip about imaginary goblins and dan-
gers. In war, nations think of principles, but in an
armed peace the mind is preoccupied exclusively with
>!r\ising ways of increasing the efficiency of the
:i. elements of slaughter. War develops men, but an
armed peace rots moral fibre.

It is possible to buy peace at too high a price.
Better fight and get done with it than keep nations
incessantly thinking evil thoughts about their neigh-
bors. Playing with battleships is a sorry business.
The magnetic needle, disturbed by metal, loses its
fidelity to the north, and the ship may go to pieces on
the rocks. The heart of a nation, pressed close to
steel armor, becomes abnormal in its action. Battle-
ships blind the eyes to ideals which are highest. They
draw the heart away from belief in the potency of
spiritual forces. They quench faith in the power of
justice, mercy, love. They minister to the atheism of
force. They blur the fact that America became a
world-power without a navy. They educate men to
put reliance on reeds, which will break when the crisis
comes. They fan the flames of vanity and self-seeking.
They are deceivers. They seem to be the dominating
forces of history, when in fact they are bubbles blown
on a current which they did nothing to create. They
delude men by inducing them to accept them as
solutions of problems, whereas they create problems
more serious than any already on hand. They strain
international relations and fill the papers with gossip,

«9

debilitating to adults and demoralizing to the young.
They feed the maw of panic-mongers, and darken the
heavens with swarms of falsehoods and rumors.

Militarism has foisted upon the world a policy which
handicaps the work of the church, cripples the hand
of philanthropy, blocks the wheels of constructive
legislation, cuts the nerve of reform, blinds statesmen
to dangers which are imminent and portentous, such
as poverty and all the horde of evils which come from
insufficient nutrition, and fixes the eyes upon perils
which are fanciful and far away. It multiplies the
seeds of discord, debilitates the mind by filling it with
vain imaginations, corrodes the heart by feelings of
suspicion and ill-will. It is starving and stunting the
lives of millions, and subjecting the very frame of
society to a strain which it cannot indefinitely endure.
A nation which buys guns at seventy thousand dollars
each, when the slums of great cities arc rotting, and
millions of human beings struggle for bread, will,
unless it repents, be overtaken soon or late by the same
divine wrath which shattered Babylon to pieces, and
hurled Rome from a throne which was supposed to be
eternal.

The world is bewildered and plagued, harassed and
tormented, by an awful delusion. Who will break the
spell? America can do it. Will she? To ape the
customs of European monarchies is weakness. Why
not do a fine and original thing? Our fathers had an
intuition that the New World should be different from
the Old, that it had a unique destiny, and that it must
pursue an original course. That is the spiritual mean-
ing of the Monroe doctrine, — that no foreign influence
shall be permitted to thwart the development of
America along original lines. Alas, the Old World has
broken into our Paradise, and we are dethroning ideals
for which our fathers were willing to die.

** Peace hath her victories
No less renowned than war,"

said Milton to Cromwell long ago, and humanity is
waiting for a nation which will win the victories that

^' - iw. Will Ann t it .1 <l r self to the work

ujj these viitt.iits -i ^ Will the spend

haU as much the next ten years m prcpariiii^ for peace,
as she has spent the last ten years in preparing for
war? Experience has demonstrated that swollen
navieH multiply the points of friction, foster distrust,
foment suspicion, fan the fires of hatred, become a
defiance and a menace, and lie like a towering obstacle
across the path of nations toilsomely struggling along
the upward way. The old policy is wrong. The old
leaders are discredited. The old programme is ob-
solete. Those who wish for peace must prepare for it.
Our supreme business is not the scaring of rivals, but
the making of friends.

Will America become a leader? At present we are
an imitator. How humiliating to tag at the heels of
(treat Britain in the naval procession, haunted always
by the fear that we may fall behind Germany! Why
not choose a road on which it will be possible to be
first? Why not head the procession of nations whose
faces are toward the light? This is America's oppor-
tunity. Will she, by setting a daring example, arrest
the growth of armaments throughout the world? The
nation which does this is certain of an imperishable
renown.

CHARLES EDWARD JEFFERSON

fli

PUBLICATIONS OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCIUATION

1. Program of the Association, by Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant. April, 1907.

2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, by
Andrew Carnegie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907.

4. The Results of the Second Hague Conference, by Baron
d'Estournelles de Constant and Hon. David J. Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown
Scott. January, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and
South America, by L. S. Rowe. April. 1908.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Elihu Root. July, 1908.

9. The United Sutes and France, by Barrett Wendell. August,
1908.

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco.
September. 1908.

11. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October,
1908.

12. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by
Charles Austin Beard. December, 1908.

14 The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst.
January, 1909.

15. American Ignorance of Oriental Languages, by J. H. De
Forest. February, 1909.

16. America and the New Diplomacy, by James Brown Scott.
March, 1909.

17. The Delusion of Militarism, by Charles E. Jefferson. April.
1909.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, any one of the above
documents, or the copies of this Monthly Bullftin^ will be sent
postpaid uf)on receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary of
the American Association for International Conciliation, Post Office
Sub-Station 84, New York, N. Y.

Executive Committee

Nicholas Muksay Butuw Richabd Watsok Gilobr

RtCHAKD Bartholot Stbphsn Hbnry Ouk

Lyman Abbott Sbth Low

Jambs Spbybr Robbbt A. Fbanks

COUNCIL OF DIRECnON OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

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CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE

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PRO PA TRIA PRR ORk

rtAfwrjri^lWCt

ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLETEOHU-ROOT

Delivered at the Banquet of the

Peace Society of the Gty of New York

(February 26. 1909)

AMrifM

MAY. 1909. 1^ 16

for IstafMlioMl
84(301 Wcilll6lb SUMI)
NewYoikGly

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page lo.

ADDRESS BY THE HONORABLE EUHU ROOT

It teems to me that the Peace Society in asking me
to dine with them has gathered here all the evidences,
all the proofs, has made the demonstration of what it
is worth to preserve peace; the faces of the dear old
friends of a life-time, the children of many a friend
who has passed away during my absence from New
York, all this that I see about me, is what makes it
worth while that peace shall be preserved — the charm
and grace of life, the joy of living, the virtues, the
beauty, the nobility, preserved, defended and continued
by this modern civilization which substitutes peace for
war. We have passed in the development of modem
society far from those old days when men fought for
the mere joy of fighting. Except here and there an
individual and here and there a half-savage com-
munity, no one now makes war for the love of war.

So long as selfishness and greed and the willingness
and the brutality to do injustice continue in this
world, we must have the policfman\ and the interna-
tional policeman whose presence makes the use of his
club unnecessary, is the army and the navy.

But the work of peace-loving men and women, the
work of all those who love home, who desire that man-
kind shall be enlarged in intelligence and in moral
vision, of all those who desire to see science and art
and the graces of life and sweet charity and the love
of mankind for one another continue and grow among
men, their work is to aid, not by great demonstration,
but by that quiet, that resistless influence, which

among great bodies of men makes up the tendency of
mankind, and in the long process of the years moves
men from savagery and brutality to peace and brother-
hood. It rests with the army and the navy to make
aggression and injustice unprofitable and unattractive.
It rests with you and with me to exercise the powers
that God has already placed in our hands. It rests
with every man in the exercise of his duties, political
and social, to move the conceptions of an honorable
life away from the old ideas of savagery towards the
new ideas of civilization of humanity, that in their
progress gradually approach the supreme idea of
Christianity.

Peace can never be except as it is founded upon
justice. And it rests with us in our own country to
see to it that the idea of justice prevails, and prevails
against the declamation of the demagog, against the
interested exhortation of the politician, against the
hot temper of the thoughtless and of the inconsiderate.
If we would have peace, it is not enough to cry
** Peace! Peace! " It is essential that we should pro-
mote and insist upon the willingness of our country to
do justice to all countries of the earth. In the exercise
of those duties in which the ambassadors of Great
Britain, of Brazil and of Japan have played so great a
part in the last few years in Washington, the great
obstacles to the doing of things which make for peace
have been not the wish of the diplomatist, not the policy
of the government, but the inconsiderate and thought-
less unwillingness of the great body of the people of
the respective countries to stand behind the man who

waft willing for the take of peace and justice, to make
fair cuncesfttonii.

There is a peculiar situation created when a diplo*
matic question arises between two countries. It is the
duty of the diplomatic representatives to arf^ue each
the cause of his own country; he cannot turn his back
upon an opponent in that friendly contest and state to
his countrymen the weakness of his own position and
the strength of the other side's position, and it is one
of the great difficulties of peace-making and peace-
keeping that the orators, the politicians, the stump
speakers, aye, often the clergymen of each country,
press and insist upon the extreme view of their own
country, and impress upon the minds of the great
masses of people who have not studied the question,
the idea that all right is upon one side and all wrong
upon the other side.

If you would help to make and keep peace, stand
behind the men who are in the responsible positions
of government, ready to recognize the fact that there
is some right on the other side.

War comes to-day as the result of one of three
causes: either actual or threatened wrong by one
country to another, or as the result of a suspicion by
one country that another intends to do it wrong,
and upon that suspicion, instinct leads the country
that suspects the attack, to attack first; or, from
bitterness of feeling, dependent in no degree what*
ever upon substantial questions of difference, and that
bitterness of feeling leads to the suspicion, and the
suspicion in the minds of those who suspect and who

entertain the bitter feeling, is justification for war.
It is their justification to themselves. The least of
these three causes of war is actual injustice. There
are to-day acts of injustice being perpetrated by one
country upon another, there are several situations in
the world to-day, where gross injustice is being done.
I will not mention them, because it would do more
harm than it would good, but they are few in number.
By far the greatest cause of war is that suspicion of
injustice, threatened and intended, which comes from
exasperated feeling. Now, feeling, the feeling which
makes one nation willing to go to war with another,
makes real causes of difference of no consequence.
If the people of two countries want to fight, they will
find an excuse — a pretext — find what seems to them
sufficient cause, in anything. Questions which can be
disposed of without the slightest difficulty between
countries really friendly, are insoluble between coun-
tries really unfriendly. And the feeling between the
peoples of different countries is the product of the
acts and the words of the peoples of the countries
themselves, not of their government. Insult, con-
temptuous treatment, bad manners, arrogant and
provincial assertion of superiority are the chief causes
of war to-day.

And in this country of ours, we are far from free
from being guilty of all those great causes of war. The
gentlemen who introduced into the Legislature of Cali-
fornia, Montana and Nevada, the legislation regarding
the treatment of the Japanese in those states, doubt-
less had no conception of the fact that they were

offering to that great nation of gentlemen, of foldien,
of scholars and scientists, of statesmen, a nation
worthy of challenging and receiving the respect, the
honor and the homage of mankind, an insult that
would bring on private war in any private relation in
uur own country. Thank Heaven, the wiser heads
and the sounder hearts, instructed and enlightened
upon the true nature of the proceedings, prevailed and
overcame the inconsiderate and thoughtless.

There are no two men in this room to-night who
can not bring on private war between themselves by
an insult without any cause or reason, and it is so with
the nations, for national pride, national sensitiveness,
sense of national honor, are more keenly alive to insult
than can be the case with any individual. But a few
days ago, a member of the House of Representatives,
charged upon the Chief Magistrate of the little Republic
of Panama, a fraudulent conspiracy with regard to a
contract under negotiation by the government of that
country regarding the forests of Panama. All Panama
was instantly alive with just indignation. This insult
was felt all the more keenly because we, with our
ninety millions and our great navy and army, presented
an overwhelming and irresistible force with a little
Republic whose sovereignty we are bound, trebly
bound, in honor to maintain and respect.

These are the things that make for war and if you
would make for peace, you will frown upon them,
condemn them, ostracize and punish by all social
penalties, the men who are guilty of them until it is
understood and felt that an insult to a friendly foreign

power is a disgrace to the insulter, upon a level with
the crimes that we denounce and for which the law
inflicts disgraceful punishment.

Two-thirds of the suspicion, the dislike, the distrust
with which our country was regarded by the people of
South America, was the result of the arrogant and
contemptuous bearing of Americans, of people of the
United States, for those gentle, polite, sensitive,
imaginative, delightful people. Mr. Choate has
alluded to my visit there, to the generous, magnani-
mous hospitality that they have inherited from their
ancestors of Spain and Portugal, open wide the gate-
ways of their land and their hearts to a message of
courtesy and kindly consideration. No questions
existed before to be settled, no serious questions have
been settled, but the difference between the feeling,
the attitude, of the people of Latin America and our
Republic to-day from what it was four years ago, is
the result of the conspicuous substitution of the treat-
ment that one gentleman owes to another, for the
treatment that one blackguard pays to another.

Now this is the subject for you to deal with. The
government cannot reach it. Laws cannot control it;
public opinion, public sentiment must deal with it, and
when the public opinion has risen to that height all
over the world, that the peoples of every country treat
the peoples of every other country with that human
kindness that binds home communities together, you
will see an end of war — and not until then.

But it becomes less and less necessary to preach
peace. We have not reached ideal perfection yet, far

from it, but the way to judge of condiiiont to thif
world IB not by comparing them with the standard of
ideal perfection; it is by comparing the conditions to-
day with the conditions of the past and noting, not
what we can do to-day (if we note that alone, we must
be discouraged; if we note that alone, we must be
convinced of the desperate selfishness, the injuttice,
the cruelty of mankind), but if we compare the con-
ditions of to-day with the conditions of yesterday and
the last decade and the last generation, and the last
century and centuries before, no one can fail to see
that in all those qualties of the human heart which
make the difference between cruel and brutal war, and
kindly peace, the civilized world is steadily and surely
advancing day by day. No one can fail to see that
the continuous and unswerving tendency of human
development is towards peace and the love of mankind.

PUBLICATIONS OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

1. Trogram of the Association, by i>art)n u i-stournciics dc
Constant. April, 1907.

2. Results of the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, by
Andrew Carnegie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907.

4. The Results of the Second Hague Conference, by Baron
d'Kstournellesde Constant and Hon. David J. Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown
Scott. January, 1908.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and
South America, by L. S. Roue. April, i(/)8.

7. America and Japan, by George Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of International Law, by Klihu Root. July, 1908.

9. The United States and France, by Barrett Wendell. August,
1908.

10. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaquim Nabuco.
September, 1908.

11. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October,
1908.

12. The Policy of the United States and Japan in the Far East.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by
Charles Austin Beard. December, 190S.

14. The Logic of International Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst.
January, 1909.

15. American Ignorance of Oriental Languages, by J. H. De
Forest. Februar)', 1909.

16. America and the New Diplomacy, by James Brown Scott.
March, 1909.

17. The Delusion of Militarism, by Charles E. Jefferson. April,
1909.

18. Address by Hon. Elihu Root. May, 1909.

A small edition of a monthly bibliography of articles having to
do with international matters is also published and distributed to
libraries, magazines and newspapers.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, any one of the above will
be sent postpaid up)on receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary
of the American Association for International Conciliation, Post
Office Sub-Station 84, New York, N. Y.

Executive Committee

Nicholas Mi^krav Bittuir Riciiaud Watsok Gilder

Richard Bartholot Stephen Hbkrv Oun

Lyman Abbott Skth I^»w

Jamks Spkysk Robbrt A. Franks

COUNCIL OF DIRECnON OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOQATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONOUATION

LVMAM AM" miL

CUAMLmM K»A , Wtmrtrn

KOWIN A. Al.-K.MA-.. . n' :iiB, V A,

CMAMiU H. AMKS Ho*!

RtCNAIIt* H4»fMn|t>T, ^1 IS Mo.

Cunu'. *^ " - iH, AaKAMSA*.

WIU.IA

T. K. I UK*.

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WiLUAM l». NVMRtLWlUuMI, r"llTtA>l>, <>««,

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONAIF
119 Rtv OK LA TocB, Pabo, Fbaucs
Puridcnt FoadaMor. Bamw D'

M«MbOTlUgMCe«fft,l
HoMcafy IVtridiii i BmamtmLOT nmd Vmm

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TffMMuwt Almwt Kami

International g9NCttMTi<

PXO PATKIA FRR OKMiS ^SCORDtAX

THE UNITED STATES

JUN 1 .-) m'i

•'^z

WEI-CHING W. YEN

Second Secretary of the Imperial Qunew Legatioii

JUNE. 1909. No. 19

fori

64(501 Weti M61I1 SbMi)
NewYockCty

There are many ways of reading Chinese thought
placed on record in the shape of words written or
spoken. The customary method even for the educated
among us has been to get hold of a Chinese term or a
short sentence, remove it from its context and trans-
late its syllables literally. The caricatures which re-
sult have been the basis of many of our prejudices
regarding the unfathomable nature of the Chinese soul.
These prejudices are being fast overcome by the
efJorts now being made with serious good will to grasp
not the words, but the broad views of Chinese thought.

Dr. Wei-ching W. Yen's paper is an excellent speci-
men of Chinese thought expressed in good English.
It has been written by a native accustomed to write
and to think in his own language.

Friedrich Hirth
Columbia University

THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA

The Hon. John W. Foftter, in a mai^axine article oo
China and her present comlitions, asserts that " prot>a-

bly in no previous period of the history of t' ,,.^|,

race has there been awakened suc:h concen at-

tention to one portion of the earth and its inhabitants.*'
One might add to this dictum and declare that from
the very beginning of China's intercourse with the
West, her people and her civilization have t)een a fruit*
ful an<^ < iitly interesting subject to contributors

to m.i^ and makers of books. She has been

lauded to the skies by some and picturesquely abused
by others. One author inscribes in a weighty volume
the distinctly peculiar and ridiculous phases of Chinese
life, and by his amusing stories adds to the gaiety of
the nations. Another, a distinguished statesman, con-
tents himself with an inventory of the mineral wealth
of the Empire, and hopes to rouse the interest of his
countrymen through th^ spirit of commercialism. Be-
tween the globe-trotter, who spends his week in each
of the principal treaty-ports, and the missionary, who
has lived in Chung Kuo so long that he actually be-
comes homesick when he visits his native land, there
has arisen a literature on things Chinese that is at once
bizarre and learned.

The singular feature of this outpour of printed mat-
ter is that it is almost entirely the result of the labors
of foreign writers. Until very recent years, there were
very few of our people who had mastered foreign
languages, and who could express their views of the
past and present of their country to the West. Nor
did the Governinent realize, and, iiulccil, has not vet

realized, the tremendous advantages of inspiring and
paying for ** write-ups" to secure the goodwill and ap-
proval of the world. Whether she is praised or abused,
China has pursued the even tenor of her way, acting
according to her best light and to her sense of right
and wrong.

We have a saying that between right and wrong the
public is an equitable judge; or in the words of Sir
Robert Hart, **they (the Chinese) believe in right so
firmly that they scorn to think it requires to be sup-
ported or enforced by might." That this saying is
based on a correct philosophical conception and that
our belief is also the guiding principle of the great
men of other nations is prove d by the numerous foreign
statesmen and writers that have rushed to our defense
whenever the honor and fair name of China have been
unjustly assailed or her actions misconstrued. Noth-
ing in the history of the foreign relations of the Em-
pire has afforded us more gratification and filled us
with more pride and hope than the staunch friendship
and deep affection which so many foreigners, generally
the ones that know us best, have for China.

It is hardly possible to restrain a smile when we read
that '*no one knows or ever will know the Chinese,
the most comprehensible, inscrutable, contradictory,
logical, illogical people on earth." This sounds .some-
thing like a characterization, in a comic paper, of
woman, and is not to be taken seriously. The fact is,
we are very much like other human beings, with to be
sure some peculiarities, due to centuries of segregation
from other nations. But we have essentially **the
same hopes and fears, the same joys and sorrows, the
same susceptibility to pain and the same capacity for
happiness." With increased and better acquaintance

of the world through travel abroad and reading at
home, the representative men of our country wilt lose
many of the traits and discard many of the customs
that seem peculiar to Westerners. Indeed, we have
already a class of cosmopolitans, men who have eo*
joyrd eiliic.ttional facilities abroad and who are at
riiuc li at h«>iMe in I^ndon or New York as in Peking.

In recent years, a revolution has taken place in our
world of thought. Always a natiun that delighted id
books and worshipped literary talent, we have had a
literature equal in extent and quality to that of Greece
or Rome. Very few Westerners who have mastered
our language have not echoed and re-echucd the senti-
mer.t that ** untold treasures lie hidden in the rich
lodes of Chinese literature.** This mine of intellectual
wealth has been enriched by the translation of the l>est
works of the West. John Stuart Mill, Huxley,
Spencer, Darwin and Henry George, just to mention
a few of the leading scholars of the modern age, are
as well known in China as in this country. The
doctrine of the survival of the fittest is on the lips of
every thinking Chinese, and its grim significance is
not lost on a nation that seems to be the center of the
struggle in the Far East. Western knowledge is being
absorbed by our young men at home or abroad at a
rapid rate, and the mental power of a large part of
four hundred millions of people, formerly concentrated
on the Confucian classics, is being turned in a new
direction — the study of the civilization of the West.

Socially, an agricultural people is being transformed
in a sudden into a manufacturing and industrial na-
tion. New desires have given birth to new wants: the
railway and the steamship must take the place of the
mule cart, the sedan chair aiul the houseboat; gas and

electricity supplant the paper lantern and the oil lamp;
the roar of the loom bewilders the factory girl who has
been used to the hand-weaving machine; and the
smoke of factories and arsenals threatens to soil the
blue of our skies and make hideous the exterior form
of nature as it has done in the West. The foreign
trade of Shanghai is already greater than that of
Boston, while the greatest sea-port in the world,
measured by the tonnage of its vessels, is the island
of Hongkong, a stone's throw from Canton.

There is a public opinion in China now that makes
itself heard and obeyed. No longer is it possible to
hold to the conception that China stands for a few
men in power and that their will i:: the law of the land.
As Mr. Elihu Root has ^ecentiy expressed it, *'The
people now, not Governments, make friendship or dis-
like, sympathy or discord, peace or war between na-
tions." The people of China are gradually coming to
their own, and with the elaborate preparations now
being made for a constitutional government, it is only
a question of a few years when a Chinese parliament
becomes an established fact, and another member of the
human family added to the ranks of liberal government.

There are many reasons why China and the United
States of America should be the best of friends. Geo-
graphically, we are the two continental countries
situated on the opposite shores of the Pacific Ocean.
With the annexation and the acquisition by the United
States of the Hawaiian and the Philippine Islands, we
have become next-door neighbors. The completion
of the Isthmian Canal, an event looked forward to
with great interest by the whole world, will bring the
Atlantic seaboard and the Mississippi Valley weeks
nearer the trade of the Orient. It is a logical conse-

c|uence and a contummation devoatly to be wished
that the relations between the ancient Empire and the
young Republic should grow more intimate every day.

From the time of Caleb Gushing, the American
Minister who arrived in China in 1H44, bearing a letter
from President Tyler to the Emperor Taokuang, Sino-
American relations have always l>ecn friendly. If, as
the Em|)eror Taolcuang usckI to command his ministers
of state to impress on the foreign representatives, the
Olcstial Empire prides itself on keeping good faith in
its promises and agreements, the United States has
also taught China to believe through experience that
It may be trusted to do what is right and just. The
several treaties concluded between the two nations
have been on the one hand honorable to the United
States and on the other fair to China. When China
desired to establish diplomatic relations with the
Powers, it was also an American, the Hon. Anson
Hurlingame, that was given the coveted position of an
«nvoy. The refusal of the United States of America
10 participate in the opium traffic, or in the coolie
trade, the absence on her part of any desire to en-
(roach on the territorial rights of China, her action in
contending for the integrity of China, the recent re-
mission of a part of the Boxer indemnity, and her
willingness, in general, to give China a square deal,
have not failed to make a very favorable impression
on our people. If there is one commendable quality
111 our people conspicuous by its presence, it is that of
not forgetting a good turn, and the good offices of this
country are and will be appreciated by us for many
years to come.

The twentieth century is pre-eminently the century
of international commerce. The struggle for fresh

markets, to dispose of the surplus products of the field
and the factory after the full supply of home con-
sumption, is a very keen one. China, with her teem-
ing population gradually being infected with the desires
and wants of the twentieth century but possessing only
the facilities of an agricultural people to gratify them,
will become the biggest buyer of the world in the near
future. A large share of this trade will come to
America, if the statesmen and merchants of America
are wise enough to seek for it. Ultimately, the national
welfare and prosperity of the United States must de-
pend on foreign markets and the securing of the com-
mercial prize of the Orient is a coup worthy the
attention and thought of all patriotic Americans. In
this competition for commercial supremacy, the good
will of our people is an asset not to be despised by this
nation.

It would be a reflection on the intelligence and
character of the people of the United States, however,
were an appeal for closer relations between the vener-
able Empire and the young Republic to attract atten-
tion and derive interest simply through the spirit of
commercialism. The present century is the century of
internationalism, remarkable for the growth of ex-
change of ideas and ideals as well as of merchandise
and commodities. In no former age has the civilization
of the East come into such close contact with that of
the West. The East has made and is making an
honest effort to study the thought and the institutions
of Europe and America, while this country in particular
of the nations of the West is endeavoring to under-
stand the spirit of the East. China has had a civiliza-
tion of four thousand years and has contributed much
to the progress of the world. Scores of discoveries,

which hare helped to increase the happineM and wel-
fare of mankind, munt be credited to u*. Hut Inrtt of
all, the Confucian school hat evolved a type of man>
hood with many virtues to commend and deserving
the serious study and imitation of other nationt.
(*hinese civilization, being based on a moral order, hat
imbued its exiwncnts with a profound respect and love
for the moral relations. It is true very often the spirit
of the teachings of Confucius is lost in the empty
forms of ceremony and idle phrases of etiquette, but
the centuries of discipline could not but leave its im-
print on our people. We find, therefore, often a spirit
of ministerial loyalty to the Emperor, of filial piety to
one's parent, of devotion on the part of wives to their
husl)ands, of affection between brother and brother
and of constancy to friends that are not emphasized
in other civilizations. Simplicity of living, patience
under suffering, industry, contentment and an opti-
mistic spirit, persistence in one's undertaking and the
power to endure are some of the virtues which have
made Chinese civilization so stable and so venerable.
Then there is the devotion to and worship of letters,
politeness towards all, respect for and obedience to the
law, and last but not least the love for peace and tran-
quillity. If, therefore, China is poor in mechanical ap-
pliances and scientific knowledge, she may be wealthy
in those virtues which add to the happiness and
quality of the life that is lived. In the words of an
eloquent writer, Europe and America, looking across
the ocean to the Far East, should be anxious, **not
indeed to imitate the forms, but to appropriate the
inspiration of that ancient world which created man-
ners, laws, religions, art, whose history is the record
not merely of the t>ody, but of the soul of mankind,

and whose spirit, already escaping from the forces in
which it has found partial cinbodiinent is hovering
even now at your gates in (juest of a new and niort-
perfect incarnation."

In the hundreds of Chinese siiKiems m tins ( oumry
tliat are earnestly and industriously absorbing the best
the colleges and universities can impart to them, there
exists a mighty bond of union and an unwritten alli-
ance between China and America. These young men,
as one of them strikingly expressed it, form a bridge
across the broad expanse of the Pacific Ocean, on
which American learning, American ideals, American
institutions, American inventions, and American manu-
factures are and will be conveyed to China. The in-
fluence of such young men, the future leaders of
China, over their country's predilections and policies
will be enormous. Having been fully saturated with
American ideas and ideals they will transport them to
and distribute them among their own countrymen.
"They will be able to modify the public opinion of
their countrymen that half a century- of ordinary con-
tact with the Occident cannot modify. They will be
able to insure a peace and trade in the Far East that
treaties and military forces cannot insure. In one
word, these students will be the most effective instru-
ments through and with which American civilization
or rather American university education can exert its
wonderful influence on the new China.'

WEI-CHING W. YEN

Th« Eiecaitv« Cocnmlttc* ol the AmochiUm lor
CoacilUtioo wUh ••> «'•••-•• iho loteretc ol lb* Awwricin pMpIt
in tb« pwy wM oi meat for p wo rin f faMtrMiloaal pMet

and raUtioM o( md good fdlowililp htHma ■■rlona.

To this end they prtnt ami droiUte docomcott fivinf iafomMtion
as to the pro g rr w of thne morrmetitft, in order that ladividanl
dtisefi organUationa of vaHooa Idnda

ourr )i • formation on th«tnib)acia»

For tnc iniormaiion i*i intMc wnc> art DOC familiar tritk tba vorfc
ol the Aaiedatkw for InUrnatiooal OmdHarinn. a Hit ol its pob-
lications to lobjoiaad.

t. Pncraaiof Um AModMkMsby BMtf1«owMll«d«C«HnM. AptO.

•. lUMteof tiM
M«i^ April, 1909.

> A Lmfpm of Paaoa, by Aadrrw Cinwfle. Worwlxr, t^of .

4. Th« r«Milt» of ibe ScoxmI llagiM Cmtmwmn, b* Bmnm d*lMo«nM0«4c
C4MMtMi aad Mo*. UavU JayM MUL JaMury, ayJ.

9. The Work of Om SwomI HagtM CoafoivoM, by Jmms Brava Seen. Ja^

a. PoHlbiUdM of lattOactital C»«p«raiiaB BMwaaa Noctb aad SomIi AaMrioK
byL.S.Row«. April, 19A

7. Aa wri ca aad japaa, by Gmc«« TniabvU Ladd. Jaaa, i^ot.
a. Tb« flaaedoa of laMnuiiioaal Law« by EBha Rooc Jaly, B^at.
9. Tba l/altad Stales aad PVaaea, by Barrett WoadaO. AttgiMi, i^ol.
ta Tha Approach ol Um Two AaMricoa, by Joaquiai Nabaeo.

II. Tb« Ualtvil Siatca aad Caaada, by J. S. WnUna. October, lyA

i>. 1 he I'oUcy u( ihc Uailad Stmam aad Japaa la the Far EaM. Nemabar,

tj. RaropoaaSobriMytotbaPiaaaaceef th«BatkaaCri>b,byCkari»Aoeiia
Baanl. "*

14. Tba Loflc of laianMOieaal Co<«perailaa, by F. W. HiraC Jaaoary, vfo^.

15. Aiitricaa Igaoraaoo of Oriaatal Laagoagoa, by J. H. DaForcec Fah>
ntary, 19J9.

lA. Aaiorica aad the Now IMpkMaacy, by JaaMO Bfoara Seen. Maich, 190^

17. Tba Ddoaioa of MUitari«ah by Chuim R. Ja&rMw. April, 1909.

It. AddraMbyEUboRooc May, •909.

19. Tba UaitMl State* aad CUaa, by WaUcbbii Yea. Jaoa;i9a9.

A tmall edition of a monthly bibliography of articles having to

«'"• "'•** i,.t-r...f;,.« tfcrs to also published and distributed to

i \vspapers.

'.t ions printed, any one of the above will
be «cnt |)ost|iaiii u|>«in receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary
of the Amrriran Atv>ctntion for International Conciliation, I'oat
York. N.Y.

iTivB CoMMirm

hiiCMoLAB Jkii-RKAv iiLTLSa BtCnaWP WaTIow ^.iu»*a

KicwaaD Babtiiou>t Sranuw Naaar Oioa

Ltmam Aasorr teni Loar

Jambs Srsraa Roaaar A. Fbamm

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOQATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONQLIATION

LVMAN AHIHITT, New YokK.

Cnami.rn Khan' •• * "

RuwiN A. All isviu-IlVa.
Chakiks H. a

KiCllAKI) Kakii , .^1. I^uis Mo.

CunoN k. Hi I KoKr Smith, Amkam&as.

Will JAM ]. lU ., Nkr.

T. K • VHI.AM). Ohio.

Ni( , Nkw YokK.

Am \ okk.

Kl>\V ^K1) « AK^ ,

l<>SRI-ll H. Cll> \ ORK.

KiciiARD H. I) ., Mass.

AkTHUR I.. I)aniim(, m \<..n. ('.a.
HORACR K. Drmin(., Nrw Yokk.
CiiAKi.RS W. Ki.KiT. Cambkid(;r, Mass.

toMN NV. Fif-TKK, Wasiiincion, D, C.
IorrktA. Franks, Oranc.r. N, J.

KiCIIAKD WATSf>N (ilt.OKK, Nrw YoRK.
loilN ArIHUR (iKRRNK, NkW YoKK.

Iamks M, (iRKKNwooD, Kansas Citv, Mo.

r'KAsiCLiN H. Hrau. Chicago, Hi..

William j. Holland, Pittsburgh, Pa.

Hamilton Holt, Nrw York.

Iamrs L. Huu<.htaling, Chicago. It l.

UAviD Stakk Jordan. Stanfori) Univrrsity, Cau

Kdmonu Kf.i.i V, Nrw York.

AnoLPM Lkwisohn, Nrw York.

Srth Ix>w, Nkw York.

Clarknck H. Mackav, Nkw York.

W. A. Mahonv, CoLUMBl^S <>HIO.

Bkanpkk Matihkws, Nrw York.

W. V/. Morrow. .San Francisco, Cau

flROKGR B. McCl.KLI.AN. .VIaVOR OK N HW YoRK.

I.RVi l», Morton, Nrw York.

Silas McBkk, Nkw York.

Simon Newcomb, Washington, D. ('.

STKfHHN H. OiiN, Nkw York.

A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo, N. Y.

Ira Krmsrn, Baltimorr, Md.

Iamks Ford Riiodrs, Bost«>n, Mass.

HoWARo J. Rogrrs, Alhanv, N. Y.

Klihu Root, Washington. D. C.

I. G. Schurman, Ithaca, N. Y.

ISAAC N. Sbligman, Nrw York.

F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, Ilu

William M. Si.oanr, Nkw York.

Albrrt K. Smilky, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.

Iamrs Spkvrr, Nrw York.

Oscar S. Strai's, Wa.shington. D. C.

Mrs. Mary Wood Swifi, San Francisco, Cal.

(*tRORGK W. TaYI njv. M. C., DkMoFOLIS, AlA.

O. H. Til M.N, D. C.

W. H. I

Hrnjamis i ion, Mass.

Kdwakd 'I'i < k , I'akis, I'kancr.

William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Okb.

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE

X19 Rub dk la Tour, Paris, Francs

Pret^eot Fondateur, Baron D'Estournsllcs db Constant

Member Ha^ue Court, Senator

Honorary Pretidenu : Bbrthblot and Leon Bourgkois, Senatori

Sccretancft General : A. Metin and Juucs Rau

Treasurer: Albxrt Kahn

International Conciliation

OPENING ADDRESS AT THE LAKE MOHONK
CONFERENCE ON

International^ Arbitration

NICHOLAS MURRA'S D^1LER

Pretideot d Columbia UoiVcfAtyAPrrstdcntW the American
AModaboQ for ln|cfXMli6nal ConciliAtion

JULY. 1909. No. 20

for li
64(501 Wc«ill6ili
rOewYorkGlT

The Executive Committee of the Association for International
Conciliation wish to arouse the interest of the American people
in the proj^ess of the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship between nations.
To this end they print and circulate documents giving information
as to the progress of these movements, in order that individual
citizens, the newspaper press, and organizations of various kinds
may have readily available accurate information on these subjects.

For the- i ' :;()n of those who are not familiar with the work

of the A^ t<>r International Conciliation, a list of its pub-

lications i^ ::.ui'jw...cd.

t. Prognun of the AtaocUtion, by Baron d'Estoumdles de Consume. April,

7. Resulu of the National Arbitration and Peace Congrew^ by Andrew Car-
negie. April, 1907.

3. A League of Peace, by Andrew Carnegie. November, 1907.

4. The result* of the Second Hacue Conference, by Baron d'Rttoumelle* de
Constant and Hon. David Jaync Hill. January, 1908.

5. The Work of the Second Hague Conference, by James Brown Scott. Jan-
uary, 19. 8.

6. Possibilities of Intellectual Co-operation Between North and South America,
by f^ S. Kowe. April, 1908.

7. America and Japan, by OeorKe Trumbull Ladd. June, 1908.

8. The Sanction of Intemationai Law, by Fllihu Root. July, 1908.

9. The United States and France, by Barrett Wendell. August, Z908.

to. The Approach of the Two Americas, by Joaqutm Nabuco. September,
Z908.

IX. The United States and Canada, by J. S. Willison. October, 1908.

13. The Policy of the United i^tates and Japan in the Far East. November,
1908.

13. European Sobriety in the Presence of the Balkan Crisis, by Charles Austin
Beard. December, 1908.

14. The Logic of Internadonal Co-operation, by F. W. Hirst. Januar>', 1909.

15. American Ignorance of Oriental I^ni^ages, by J. H. DeForest. Feb-
ruary, 1909.

t6. America and the New Diplomacy, by James Brown Scott. March, 1909.

17. The Delusion of Militarism, by Charles E. JeflTcrson. April, 1909.

18. Address by Elihu Root. May, 1909.

19. The United States and China, by Wei-ching Yen. June, 1909.

ao. Opening Address at the I^ke Mohonk Conference on International Arbi-
tration, by Nicholas Murray Butler. July, Z909.

A small edition of .a monthly bibliography of articles having to
do with international matters is also published and distributed to
libraries, magazines and newspapers.

Up to the limit of the editions printed, any one of the above will
be sent postpaid upon receipt of a request addressed to the Secretary
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ExECirriVK Committee

Nicholas Mi-rrav BtrrLsa Richard Watvow Gilder

Richard BARTHoLi>T Stkphrn Hsnry Olin

Lyman Abbott Sbth Low

Jambs Spbybr Robert A. Franks

OPENING ADDRESS AT THE LAKE MOHONK
CONFERENCE

1 wo years ago when 1 last had the honor of addreaa-
ing this Conference as its pre»iding officer, we were
all looking forward with confidence and high antici-
pation to the second Ha^uc Conference, then soon to
We were m
•»» to l>c la

is,^ was laid upon the desire, widely entertained
. ., ..f^iii thinking men, that the second Hague Con-
ference should take the steps necessary to build up a
trr,:.- jnlicial international tribunal, by the side of or
: I ^ ^Mon to the semi-diplomatic tribunal which
had been the fruit of thefi: e at the Hague;

an<! I hat the Conft-rrncc s . provide for its

il inlci V eafter, without

call or in . of any monarch

ur national executive. The history of the second
I lague Conference is still fresh in our minds. Although
not everything was done that we had hoped for, yet
when the cloud of discussion lifted, we could plainly
see that long steps in advance had been taken, and
that there w.i- i( to be a more fundamental and

far-reaching >i nt among the nations as to what

was wise and practicable in the steady substitution of
the rule of justice for the rule of force among men.

To-day, however, the most optimistic observer of
the movement of public opinion in the world, and the
most stoutly convinced advocate of international
justice, must confess himself perplexed, if notamaxed,
by some of the striking phenomena which meet his
view. Kxpcnditure for naval armaments is every-
where growing by leaps and bounds.

Edmund Burke said that he did not know the method
of drawing up an indictment against a whole people;
but perhaps it may be easier to detect some of the
signs of emotional insanity than to draw an indictment

for crime. The storm center of the world's weather
to day is to be found in the condition of mind of a
large portion of the English people. The nation
which, for generations, has contributed so powerfully
to the world's progress in all that relates to the spread
of the rule of law, to the peaceful development of
commerce and industry, to the advancement of letters
and science, and to the spread of humanitarian ideas,
appears to be possessed for the moment — it can only
be for the moment — with the evil spirit of militarism.
It is hard to reconcile the excited and exaggerated
utterances of responsible statesmen in Parliament and
on the platform; the loud beating of drums and the
sounding of alarums in the pubjic press, even in that
portion of it most given to sobriety of judgment; and
the flocking of the populace to view a tawdry and
highly sensational drama of less than third-rate im-
portance for the sake of its contribution to their
mental obsession by hobgoblins and the ghosts of
national enemies and invaders, \yith the traditional
temperament of a nation that has acclaimed the work
of Howard, Wilberforce and Shaftesbury, whose pub-
lic life was so long dominated by the lofty personality
of William Ewart Gladstone, and of which the real
heroes to-day are the John Milton and the Charles
Darwin whose anniversaries are just now celebrated
with so much sincerity and genuine appreciation.

What has happened? If an opinion may be ven-
tured by an observer whose friendliness amounts to
real affection, and who is in high degree jealous of the
repute of the English people and of their place in the
van of the world's civilization, it is that this lament-
able outburst is attendant upon a readjustment of
relative position and importance among the nations of
the earth, due to economic and intellectual causes,
' w'hich readjustment is interpreted in England, uncon-
sciously of course, in terms of the politics of the first
Napoleon rather than in terms of the politics of the
industrial and intelligent democracies of the twen-
tieth century. Germany is steadily gaining in import-
ance in the world, and England is in turn losing some

of her h> primacy. The catitet

are easy i .t no ju»t »cnte provoca-

tive of Wiir or toiitic. luiiccU, it it highly probable
that war, if it fhuuld cumc with all its awful conae-
quenccs, wuuld only hasten the change it waa entered
"""H to prevent.

'<. not be forgotten that while there hat long
t 1 Europe a German people, yet the German

11 > such is a creation of very recent date.

Will mc sul'- ion of German political

11!) 'V aftrr i' an war, there began an

.11 Gertiiany even more significant
a ^ in its effects than that which

was called into existence by the trumpet voice of
Fichte» after the disastrous defeat of the Prussian army
by Napoleon at Jena, and guided by the hands of Stem
and Hardenbcrg. This later development has been
fundamentally economic and educational in character,
and has been directed with great skill toward the
development of the nation's foreign commerce, the
husbanding of its own natural resources, and the
comfort and health of the masses of its rapidly growing

ition.
.. .ihin a short generation the pressure of German
competition has been severely felt in the trade and
commerce of every part of the world. The two most
splendid fleets engaged in the Atlantic carrying trade
fly the German flag. Along either coast of South
America, in the waters of China and Japan, in the
ports of the Mediterranean and on the trade routes to
India and Australia, the German flag has become

t as familiar as the English. The intensive
aj^p.. nation of the discoveries of theoretical science
to industrial processes has made Germany, in a sense,
the world's chief teacher in its great international
school of industry and commerce. With this over-sea
trade expansion has gone the building of a German
navy. It appears to be the building of this navy
which has so excited many of the English people.
For the moment we are not treated to the well-worn
paradox that the larger a nation's navy the less likely

it is to be used in combat and the more certain is the
peace of the world. The old Adam asserts himself
long enough to complain, in this case at least, that if
a navy is building in Germany it must be intended
for offensive use ; and against whom could the Germans
possibly intend to use a navy except against England?
Their neighbors, the French and the Russians, they
could readily, and with less risk, overrun with their
great army. The United States is too far away to
enter into the problem as a factor of any real im-
portance. Therefore, the inference is drawn that the
navy must be intended for an attack upon England.
It is worth while noting that, on this theory, the
German navy now building appears to be the first of
modern navies intended for military uses. It alone
of all the world's navies, however large, however
costly, is not a messenger of peace!

One must needs ask, then, what reason is to be
found in the nature of the German people, in the
declarations of their responsible rulers, or in the
political relations between Germany and any other
nation, for the belief that the German navy alone,
among all modern navies, is building for a warlike
purpose ? Those of us who feel that the business of
navy-building is being greatly overdone, and that it
cannot for a moment be reconciled with sound public
policy, or with the increasingly insistent demand for
social improvements and reforms, may well wish that
the German naval program were much more restricted
than it is. But, waiving that point for the moment,
what ground is there for the suspicion which is S(^
widespread in England against Germany, and for the
imputation to Germany of evil intentions toward
England? Speaking for myself, and making full use
of such opportunities for accurate information as I
have had, I say with the utmost emphasis and with
entire sincerity that I do not believe there is any
ground whatever for those suspicions or for those
imputations. Nor, what is much more important, has
adequate ground for those suspicions and imputations
been given by any responsible person.

Are we to beIieTe» for example, that the whole
public life in both Germany and EngUnJ, if part of an
upcra boufle, and that all the public declarationt of
reftponsil)le lenders of opinion are meaninglett or
uittruc > increasingly numerous i: rial
viMi!» (it i: It officials, uf clergymen, < c-r»,
of trades unionists, of newspaper men, as weii as the
cordial and intimate reception given them by their
hosts, all a sham and a pretense? Have all these men
daggers in their hands and subtle poisons in their
pockeU? Arc we to assume that there is no truth
or frankness or decency left in the world? Are nations
in the tw«-niirth ceimiry, and nations that represent
I t'.on at that, so Ibst to
s a other's necks and grasp
each other s ^wear eternal fealty as con-
ditions preccL.^..: :_ .^lng an unannounced attack

upon each other during a fog ? Even the public
morality of the sixteenth century would have revolted
at that. The whole idea is too preposterous for
words, and it is the duty of the thoughtful and sincere
ti:c:.d<; of the English people, in this country and in
cvt I V, to use every effort to bring them to see

liic u iblcness, to use no stronger term, of the

altitude toward Germany which they are at present
made to assume.

But, says the objector, England is an island nation.
Unless she commands the sea absolutely her national
existence is in danger; any strong navy in hands that
may become unfriendly threatens her safety. 'I'here-
fore she is justified in being suspicious of any nation
that builds a big navy. That formula has been
repeated so often that almost everybody believes it.
There was a time when it was probably and within
limits true. One cannot but wonder, however, whether
it is true any longer. In the first place, national
existence does not now depend upon military and
naval force. Italy is safe; so are Holland and
Portugal, Mexico and Canada. Then, the possibili-
ties of aerial navigation alone, with the resulting
power of attacking a population or a fleet huddled

beneath a cloud of monsters travelling through the air
and willing to risk their own existence and the lives of
their occupants for the opportunity to approach near
enough to enable a vital injury to be inflicted upon
another people, to say nothing of the enginery of
electricity, have changed the significance of the word
**island." Although an island remains, as heretofore,
a body of land entirely surrounded by water, yet that
surrounding water is no longer to be the only avenue
of approach to it, its possessions and its inhabitants.
Even if we speak in the most approved language of
militarism itself, it is apparent that a fleet a mile wide
will not long protect England from attack or invasion,
or frc^ starvation, if the attacking or invading party
is in command of the full resources of modern science
and modern industry. But if justice be substituted for
force, England will always be safe; her achievements
for the past thousand years have made that certain.

The greatest present obstacle to the limitation of
the armaments under the weight of which the world is
staggering toward bankruptcy; the greatest obstacle
to carrying forward those social and economic reforms
for which every nation is crying out, that its population
may be better housed, the public health more com-
pletely protected, and the burden of unemployment
lifted from the backs of the wage-earning classes,
appears to many to be the insistence by England on
what it calls the two-power naval standard. So long
as the British Empire circles the globe and so long as
its ships and its goods are to be found in every port,
the British navy will, by common consent, be expected
to be much larger and more powerful than that of any
other nation. Neither in France nor in Germany nor
in Japan nor in America would that proposition be
disputed. Even the two-power standard might not
bring poverty and distress and wasteful expenditure to
other nations if naval armaments were limited by
agreement or were diminishing in strength. But,
insisted upon in an era of rapidly increasing arma-
ments, in this day of Dreadnoughts^ the two-power
standard leads, and must inevitably lead, to huge

programs of naval conitruction in every nation where
tlie patriutiftin and good »cn&e of the people do not
put a stop to this modern form of madness. The
practical sense of the world is against it; only so*called
expert ihci ries aic i»u its side.

[ I.. It I It r pr..!.! n^r of aUrmiMs in Parliament aod

n compelled to

rt measures for

ture based upon the

y. , - -..- --^......^ i-.- .^mof the liritish navy

must be kept always one-tenth greater than the sum
total of the fighiing strength of the two next most
powerful navies in the world. At first it was even
pii>posed to i ' the navy of the United States in
ii.iNing this ' aion. Later that position was

;< uittf itcd from. But it will be observed

i: ii i:i > - the so-called two- power standard,

I < I :.^.ish Jingoes count as contingent enemies the
1 icuch and the Japanese, with both of whom their
nation is in closest alliance, and also the Russians,
with whom the English are now on terms of cordial
tricndship. In other words, unless all such treaties of
alli.tiice and comity are a fraud and a sham, these
iwiiious at least should be omitted from the reckoning.
This would leave no important navy save that of
Germany to be counted in possible opposition. For
this reason, it is just now alike the interest and the
highest opportunity for service of America and of the
world to bring about the substitution of cordial friend-
ship between England and Germany for the suspicion
and distrust which so widely prevail. W hen this is
done, a 1 > toward an international agreement

for the li o( armaments will have been taken;

new progress can then be made in the organization of
the world on those very principles for which the
Kn^lish themselves have time-long stood, and for
whose development and application they have made
such stupendous sacrifices and performed such her-
culean service.

If America were substituted for England, it would
be difficult to see how any responsible statesman who

had read the majority and minority reports recently
laid before Parliament by the Poor Law Commission,
could for one moment turn aside from the stern
duty of national protection against economic, educa-
tional and social evils at home, to follow the will-o'-
the-wisp of national protection against a non-existent
foreign enemy. England to-day, in her own interest,
needs to know Germany better; to learn from Ger-
many, to study with care her schools and universities,
her system of workingman's insurance, of old age
pensions, of accident insurance, of sanitary and
tenement house inspection and reform, and all her
other great social undertakings, rather than to spend
time and energy and an impoverished people's money
in the vain task of preparing, by monumental expendi-
ture and waste, to meet a condition of international
enmity which has only an imaginary existence. It
is the plain duty of the friends of both England and
Germany — and what right-minded man is not the
warm friend and admirer of both these splendid
peoples — to exert every possible influence to promote
a better understanding of each of these peoples by
the other, a fuller appreciation of the services of
each to modern civilization, and to point out the
folly, not to speak of the wickedness, of permitting
the seeds of discord to be sown between them by
any element in the population of either.

I like to think that the real England and the real
Germany found voice on the occasion of a charming
incident which it was my privilege to witness in Sep-
tember of last year. At the close of the impressive
meeting of the Interparliamentary Union, held in
Berlin, the German Imperial Chancellor offered the
gracious and bountiful hospitality of his official resi-
dence to the hundreds of representatives of foreign
parliamentary bodies then gathered in the German
capital. Standing under the spreading trees of his
own great gardens, surrounded by the leaders of Ger-
man scholarship and of German political thought,
Prince von BQlow was approached by more than two
score members of the British Parliament, with Lord

Weardale at tilt. II nca^]. In n (cw : CiCKx^jrnt

and low-spoken lentencei Lord • eipretsed

to the Chancellor what h<- ' i lu be the real feel-

ing of Fnjjlnnd towanl < ., and what he felt

should t 'Utilitp to cxift between the

two gov. ic two peoples. In words

r ; t.iiv lonlial and quite as eloquent. Prince von
i. il >w rcbijunded to Lord Weardale with complete
s\ Mipathy and without reserve. The incident made a
ilccp impression upon the small group who witnessed
It. It was over in a few minutes. It received no
rr« ord in the public press, but in my memory it
icMiains as a weighty, and I hope as a final, refuta-
i: 'H of the widespread impression that England and
(•(-rinany are at bottom hostile, and are drifting
inevitably toward the maelstrom of an armed con-
flict. What could more surely lead to conviction of
high crimes and misdemeanors at the bar of history
than for two culture-peoples, with political and intel-
lectual traditions in their entirety unequaled in the
world's history, in this twentieth century to tear each
other to pieces like infuriated gladiators in a bloody
arena ? The very thought is revolting, and the mere
suggestion of it ought to dismay the civilized world.

The aim of all rational and practicable actiTitj for
the permanent establishment of the world's peace, and
for the promotion of justice, is and must always be
the education of the world's public opinion. Govern-
ments, however popular and however powerful, have
ceased to dominate; everywhere public opinion dom-
inates governments. As never before, public opinion
is concerning itself with the solution of grave economic
and social questions which must be solved aright if
the great masses of the world's population are to
share comfort and happiness. A nation's credit
means the general belief in its ability to pay in the
fiitnrr. That nation which persistently turns away
!> ' onsideration of those economic and social

(: ^ upon which the productive power of its

population must in last resort depend, limits and

eventually destroys its own credit. That nation
which insists, in response to cries more or less inarticu-
late and to formulas more or less outworn, upon spend-
ing the treasure taken from its population in taxes
upon useless and wasteful armaments, hastens its
day of doom, for it impairs its credit or ultimate
borrowing capacity in a double way. It not only
expends unproductively and wastefully vast sums of
the nation's taxes, but it substitutes this unproductive
and wasteful expenditure for an expenditure of equal
amount, which might well be both productive and
uplifting. The alternative to press upon the atten-
tion of mankind is that of huge armaments or social
and economic improvement. The world cannot have
both. There is a limit to man's capacity to yield
up taxes for public use. Economic consumption is
now heavily taxed everywhere. Accumulated wealth
is being sought out in its hiding places, and is con-
stantly being loaded with a heavier burden. All this
cannot go on forever. The world must choose
between pinning its faith to the symbols of a splendid
barbarism and devoting its energies to the tasks of an
enlightened civilization.

Despite everything, the political organization of the
world in the interest of peace and justice proceeds
apace. The movement is as sure as that of an Alpine
glacier, and it has now become much more easily per-
ceptible.

There is to be established at the Hague beyond
any question, either by the next Hague Conference
or before it convenes by the leading nations of the
world, acting along the lines of the principles adopted
at the second Hague Conference two years ago, a
high court of international justice. It is as clearly
indicated as anything can be that that court is to
become the supreme court of the nations of the world.

The Interparliamentary Union, which has within a
few weeks adopted a permanent form of organiza-
tion, and chosen a permanent secretary, whose head-
quarters are to be in the Peace Palace at the Hague

itself — aD occurrence of the ereatcist public import-
ance which has, to my kii" r\y

no mention in the prcsti — n -.. '-r.

ihip representatives of almost every ^ry

body in existence. At the last meeting t>i i>ic itucr-
parliamentary Union, held in Berlm, the Parliament of
f.ip.in, the Russian Duma, and the newly organiied
I !'kish Parliament, were alt reprr*en?ed. By their
npressiv iia

nd, of i : la-

!i ii^ary, of Italy, of Belgium, ol the Netherlands,
and uf the Scandinavian nations, as well as eight or
ten representatives of the American Congress. In
this Interparliamentary Union, which has now passed
throu);[h its preliminary or experimental stage, lies
■ < -crm of a coininj: ' " <»n of the world's legis-
is which will be icd in the near future,

1 whose powers aiui (unctions, if not precisely
,' ;i:icd at first, will grow naturally from consulta-
tive to that authority of which wisdom and justice
can never be divested. Each year that the repre-
sentatives of a national parliament sit side by side
with the representatives of the parliaments of other
nations, look their colleagues in the face and discuss
with them freely and frankly important matters of
international concern, it will become more difficult
for them to go back and vote a dec >f war

against the men from whose consuitat n they

have but just come. Among honest men, familiarity
breeds confidence, not contempt.

Where, then, in this coming political organisation
of the world, is the international executive power to
be found ? Granting that we have at the Hague an
international court; ^ t we have sitting,

now at one national c.t, w at another, what

may be called a consuUaii itional parliament,

in what direction is the < e authority to be

looked for? The answer to this viully important
question has been indicated by no less an authority
than Senator Root, in his address before the American
Society of International I^w, more than a year ago.

Mr. Root then referred to the fact that because there
is an apparent absence of sanction for the enforce-
ment of the rules of international law, great authori-
ties have denied that those rules are entitled to be
classed as law at all. He pointed out that this apparent
inability to execute in the field of international politics
a rule agreed upon as law, seems to many minds to
render quite futile the further discussion of the political
organization of the world. Mr. Root, however, had
too practical as well as too profound a mind to rest
content with any such lame and impotent conclusion.
He went on to show, as he readily could, that nations
day by day yield to arguments which have no compul-
sion behind them, and that as a result of such argu-
ment they are constantly changing policies, modifying
conduct and offering redress for injuries. Why is this?
Because, as Mr. Root pointed out, the public opinion
of the world is the true international executive. No
law, not even municipal law, can long be effective
without a supporting public opinion. It may take its
place upon the statute book, all constitutional and
legislative requirements having been carefully com-
plied with; yet it may and does remain a dead letter
unless public opinion cares enough about it, believes
enough in it, to vitalize it and to make it real.

In this same direction lies the highest hope of
civilization. What the world's public opinion demands
of nations or of international conferences, it will get.
What the world's public opinion is determined to
enforce, will be enforced. The occasional brawler and
disturber of the peace in international life will one day
be treated as is the occasional brawler and disturber
of the peace in the streets of a great city. The aim
of this Conference, and of every gathering of like
character, must insistently and persistently be the
education of the public opinion of the civilized world.

The world is being politically organized while we
are talking about it, and wondering how it is to be
done and when it is to come to pass. Little by little
the steps are taken, now in the formulation of a treaty,

now in the Inttructioni ifiven to repretentative« at an

I' ■ ''C new »t

t >n in !■

K ■' ■ -^ closer study o( ml-

kill-'. M- .:.r . .ly the world will \)c - a

how far it has travelled by these sti ; step*.

We need not look for any great revw.wi.M.... > .^r evolu-
tionary movement that will come suddenly. A
I ' • nary movement would not be desirable, and
»ry movements do not come in that way.
Slowly, li' 'c, there a little, line up* md

precept u, <pt, will the hi^^h ethical a ual

ideals of « : id man assert themselves and take on
such forms as luiy be necessary to their fullest accom-
1 i^innent.

VVc Americans have a peculiar responsibility toward
the political organization of the world. Whether we
recognize it or not we are universally looked to, if not
to lead in this undertaking, at least to contribute pow-
erfully toward it. Our professions and our principles
are in accord with the highest hopes of mankind.
We owe it to ourselves, to our reputation and to our
influence, that we do not by our conduct belie those
principles and those professions; that we do not per-
mit selfish interests to stir up among us international
strife and ill-feeling; that we do not permit the noisy
boisterousness of irresponsible youth, however old in
years or however high in place, to lead us into ex-
travagant expenditure for armies and navies; and that,
most of all, we shall cultivate at home and in our every
relation, national and international, that spirit of justice

which we urge so valiantly upon Othrrs St Ti'r t^at/m

para patem I

MCHOLAS Ml'RKAV BUTLER

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOQATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

KvMAK Aphott. Npw Vouk.

, L-.. . ... .. t 11

VIU.K, Va.

I ouis Mo.
>MiTii, Arkansas.

Kl)\V\KI) I

lottRPII H K.

KlCHARU M. \\\SS.

Arthur L. (;a.

HOXACC K. -RIC.

CiiARLRS \V 'f-.K, Mars.

lOMN W. I . N, D. C.

Robert A. i . N', J.

Richard W . kw Yomc

JOHN Arii! York.

Tamks M, ' AS City, Mo.

Vkanklim ii ... III.
William J. m<>ii.am>, I'n i>-BfRCH, Pa. '
Ha%hlton Holt, New York.

tlA%HLTON MOLT, « EW YORK.

IaMKS L. Hoff.MTAt INT,, CHICAGO. IlL.

David Stai ' i (»rd Univi

koM IND K

Afv>T-T*JI I,: ,i<K.

NivBRsmr, Cai.

. New York.

tiv*;, Oinn.

( AL.

H New YoBK.

.N I \V ^ <;KK.

w York.

WAMit'.r.TO';, n. (*.

Si ■■>'
A. V
Ik^ !■

I . Mas>.

I . . N. Y.

t l». C.

I. r,. A, N. Y.

Isaac ■ iw York.

F. T. '. IM.

., Cal.

Ala.
O H. Ill , L>. C.

W. H. To I

Hrnjamin I ' N, Mass.

Edward Tllk, rAKi>, Fka.nck.
WiixiAM D. Whbblwricht, Poriland, Obb.

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE

xig Rub db la Tovr, Paris, Francb

PreMdent Fondaccur. Baron D'Estournbllbs db Constant

Member Hague Court, Senator

Honorary Pre«tdents : Brrthblot and Leon Boubcbou. Senators

Secretaries General: A. Mrtin and JuLBS Rais

Treasurer: Albbrt Kamn

International Conciliation

JOURNALISM AND INTERN

EDWARD GARY

oflkel^ewYockTtme*

AUGUST. 1909. No. 2 1

64(^)1 Wciill6lk Stmt)
NewYockC<r

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 13.

JOURNALISM AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

It it a truism in all lands where the press is reason-
nMy free, that the responsibility of journalism in
international affairs is weighty. But it is in the nature
of a truism to be trite and of triteness to be vague
and of vagueness to be misleading. Let ui examine
the matter a little closely.

In the first place, journalism, like every modern
institution, is very complex, differing in different
lands, in different parts of the same land, and at
different periods of its own evolution. Great Britain
and Japan are allies. The statesmen of each nation
recognize that it has vital interests in common with
the other, and they have bound the two, for a fixed
term, to pursue these jointly, even by armed force.
France and Russia are in like case. In carrying out
the purposes of these alliances, or in hindering them,
the journalism of the several countries may have a
considerable influence. The matter has but to be
mentioned to suggest the marked variation in the
agencies that must thus be called in- play and in the
way that they will work. We need not, however, go
so far afield for evidence that journalism differs under
difterent skies, even when the language is the same.
That of the United States is very unlike that of
England, and we see appreciable dissimilarity in the
journalism of the East, the West and the South of the
United States, and in the journalism of to-day in each
of these regions compared with that of even two

decades since. The institution, if we may so call it,
is as ondoyant et divers as the personality of Miche! de
Montaigne.

Yet the complex thing we call journalism — British,
German, French, American, what not — exists. The
image the name calls up in our minds has a basis in
fact. Journalism has generally two functions in
which every journal, in different fashion or degree,
shares — to furnish information and to comment
thereon. As it is in the exercise of these functions
that they find a common part in the affairs of the
community, so it is for the way they exercise them
that they have their common responsibility. In gen-
eral terms it is easy enough to state that responsi-
bility. It requires that information shall be full and
accurate, and that comment shall be fair, temperate,
and as wise as the journalist shall be able to make it.
But this is almost as indefinite as to say that journal-
ists should be gentlemen by nature and breeding,
besides being thoroughly trained in a difficult and
intricate profession. Look a little nearer at the func-
tions to which the journalist is called.

First as to furnishing information. Not many years
ago this was the field in which energy, capital, am-
bition, talent were most concentrated, and in this
field the competition was so strenuous and costly that
only the wealthier and stronger journals entered it.
While there is still ample room for ingenious and
vigorous competition, among those who care to take
part in it, the more important, at any rate the more
salient, facts in the daily life of mankind are now

accettible practically to the great body of the newa-
papert in Englinh-ftpeaking lands, and in Icai defp'ee,
but with pretty liberal fulness, to newspapers

lands. This has been brought about by the < .^

tion of news-collecting astociationi — Reuter in Eng-
land, Havas in France, Wolff in Germany, the
Associated Press, the United Tress, Laffan's in the
United States — which are expected to cover, and in
fact generally do cover, the news of all parts of t*ic
world. These associations have their agents, usually
fairly trained, sometimes men of exceptional character
' pment, not only in all the capitals, but in all

'.... .....ct cities and in the newspaper offices of the

minor centres, so that it is practically impossible that
any event of obvious interest shall pass undiscovered
and unreported. The result is that on thousands of
editors' desks in every quarter of the globe each day
there are laid, ready for printing if desired, reports of
the news of the preceding twenty-four hours in all
other quarters of the globe. For the great mass of
newspapers the task of news-collecting, so far as con-
cerns foreign lands, or their own land beyond the
neighborhood of each, has been abolished. The
question of how to get the news has been replaced by
the question of what choice to make from the vast
heap daily at hand.

For most journalists, then, in the chief countries,
the responsibility in international affairs hardly relates
to fullness or accuracy of the news they collect. The
news they get is about as full and accurate as can be
had. No private effort, save by papers of great

capital, and a highly organized staff, under expert
and daring direction, can seriously amend the work of
the news associations in these regards. What remains
for most is the choice of news accessible, the form of
its presentation and the comment on it. What
responsibility attaches to this function? For the great
papers, for those that can afford to maintain their
editors-resident, so to call them, at the centres of
affairs, who know — and sometimes share — the under-
currents of sentiment and interest that influence
political action, there is clearly a responsibility that
the least sensitive might well feel. What is that
which rests on the multitude of active, keen, generally
intelligent and right-minded men who administer
probably nine-tenths of the sixty-thousand newspapers
of the modern world? It is not easy clearly to define
it, but it is unmistakable and it is considerable.

Primarily it relates to their influence on what is
known as public opinion, but what is in reality chiefly
public sentiment. As to international affairs there
hardly exists in the public mind anything that fairly
or accurately can be called opinion. A very small
part of any community, of even the best-taught and,
in ordinary matters, the most intelligent, can, and a
still smaller number do, ihink^ on foreign affairs. One
of the wittiest and wisest of journalists, Walter
Bagehot, was wont to say that if you wished to test
the value of public opinion, ask your butler what he
thinks of proportional representation. Of course,
generally he does not and cannot think about it at all.
Foreign affairs are of necessity not understanded of

Che people because there it not room in their minds
and lives for the unfamiliar and often difficult facts
from which an understanding can alone be secured.
It was reported in February of this year when Mr.
Elihu Root retired from the State Department at
Washington, that he had negotiated twenty-four
treaties providing specifically or generally for the
arbitration of international differences arising between
the United States and other nations. Unquestionably
that was a substantial service to his country and to
mankind, rendered by years of patient, enlightened
and tactful effort. How many of the people of the
United States, how many of the members of the
Legislature of the State of New York, who have just
voted for Mr. Root as United States Senator, <?ould
mention one in ten of these treaties or could define
the general principles by which the American Govern-
ment has been guided in making them? But if opinion,
drawn from adequate study of authenticated facu, is
too difficult and tedious of acquirement, there is no
lack of sentiment regarding international affairs. It
is in relation to this sentiment, to its creation, guid-
ance, restraint or stimulation, that the responsibility
of journalists arises.

** Responsible '* government is a relatively modern
phrase, describing, not too nicely, a modern thing.
In practice it is government of a nation by agents who
can, more or less clumsily, be changed if their conduct
do not satisfy the majority of that portion of the
people who have a voice in their selection. The
change is not necessarily the result of deliberation

and it may not be due to the electors' opinion of the
general conduct of the agents, or of their conduct as
to matters of serious or lasting interest. It may be
due to a transient outburst of passion, and may be
reversed in another outburst in the opposite direction.
Such things happen so often that it would not be far
amiss to call the modern system in many instances
rather responsive than responsible government. It is
with the sentiment which, when aroused, controls at
such crises that journalism has to deal, and from this
fact its reponsibility arises. The most serious situa-
tions are presented not in domestic but in interna-
tional matters, because in domestic matters readers
have more, and more trustworthy, information as to
men 'and measures, do not so easily deceive them-
selves nor are so readily misled. Moreover in inter-
national matters the minds of the mass of men are
excited by a strong tendency towards personification.
That is to say, they conceive of a foreign nation as
an individual, with individual virtues and vices, par-
ticularly vices. Even the wisest yield unduly to this.
Grave historical writers have a besetting habit of
speaking of Germany, France, Great Britain, America,
as "she," as a being who can hate and love, plot and
fight, can give or take gratitude, resentment and all
the intricate category of attributes or feelings that
lead to friendship or quarrel in personal intercourse.
The tendency is simplified and becomes more intense
in the minds of the mass in any nation. It is very
tenacious, it is wayward and incalculable in its mani-
festations, and is sometimes full of peril. The jour-

nalist ought clearly to keep it in mind and to thape
hit conduct with reference to '

The rhicf responsibility oi a , in

I I. ..liuiial affairs is fur the inflt. xert

on the feelings of his readers and so on the general

srii! ;v( :K on which so much depends. This influence

^ V v^iLtil, first, hy the choice he makes from the

mass of news accessible to him. That choice is not

! y wide. He must in practice take that most

:g to his readers. It is an elusive despotism

that dictates this, but it is indisputable. There is,

'^cretion as to form. The same news

in a manner to excite or to prevent

rxcitement. The sensible and practical rule is always,

' ir as possible, to jjivc peace the benefit of the

I, so to address readers as to keep them cool, and

:.iir, and rational. So far as concerns the text of the

news as furnished by the press associations, this rule

is generally followed. There is not much temptation

for the agents of the associations to depart from it.

They are not likely to 1- 'd by any feeling of

rivalry to make their d > more impressive,

attractive, in a word, sensational. Their interest, as

\\. ■ as their instructions and their duty, can best be

• ;>( ycd by clear and uncolored presentation of the

facts they have obtained. When their reports reach

'=" r, a different ' on-

rcd. The tc , :j to

depart from the rule, to make the news striking, to

give to it a form that will catch the eye and stir the

feelings of readers to whom the same news may be

presented by other and rival papers, straightway is
felt. Its mischievous effect shows chiefly in the
** head-lines," and in these really almost more than in
editorial comment is embodied the influence of the
paper. In this form it is very great. The prayer of
the modern, longing to sway the hearts of a people,
might well be: "Let who will make their laws if I
may write their head-lines." These are the one
feature of a paper sure to receive the attention of all.
Day by day, continually and continuously, they ex-
press its purpose and work its will. By them, day
after day, the minds of thousands, of hundreds of
thousands it may be, are reached and wrought upon,
A certain proportion of a paper's patrons read its dis-
cussion of current events; a larger proportion may
read the text of its news columns; substantially all
read its head-lines. The impress conveyed is imme-
diate, clear, and, in the long run, effective and lasting.
In this direction, therefore, lies the first and most
imperative demand on the sense of responsibility of
the journalist. Here first and more largely than any-
where else, his conscience will recognize the oppor-
tunity and the obligation to give peace the benefit of
every doubt and to keep his readers, as far as may be,
cool and fair and rational.

Of the like obligation in editorial comment little
need be said. His must be a dull mind indeed to
whom it is not plain. Every consideration that
appeals to a man in private life to make him just and
temperate and courteous and sane appeals far more
strongly to the writer on international afifairs, since

hit influence it far wider and the effect of it may be
far more important and enduring. But while the duty
it clear, the ditcharge of it it not alwayt eaty. To be
jutt and tane the joumalitt mutt be well-informed, and
tufficient knowledge for reatonable conclutiont can be
had only by constant ttudy and obtervation. More-
over, there it a certain peril for a writer in too exclu-
tive devotion to any one clatt of tubjectt. He is
exposed to lott of perspective and it liable to over-
look facts, often facts near at hand, which it it not
tafe to ignore. Unfortunately the risk is likely to be
the greatest with writers devoted to noble and beauti-
ful theoriet of international peace. The task of the
journalist it to get at the truth, and, aa near as may
be, the whole truth, and that is a task sometimes
tadly interfered with by theories too comprehentive,
too absolute and too confidingly held. '*A fool's
paradise " is a dangerous abode from which to direct
or to try to direct, the public mind. The journalist
who dwells habitually in it, who shuts his vision from
the complex interests, passions, tendencies of the
people of whom his readers are a part, which deter-
mine for the time being the rate of progress toward
the spread of peace, not only exposes himself to
bitter disappointment, but does to those who listen to
him a distinct disservice.

As has already been intimated, the question of the
responsibility of journalism in international affairs it
quite as important for the smaller papers, including
the weeklies, as for the larger, and in the United
States it is even more important. These papers have

a very large total circulation. They are usually read
more deliberately, with closer attention, and enter
more intimately into the mindjS and the lives of their
readers. Their interpretation of current events may
not carry more weight, but they make a more con-
tinuous and probably a more effective impression. On
the whole, the contents of these papers correspond to
this view of their function. They are less ephemeral
and sensational. It was these journals that Dr.
Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia Uni-
versity, largely had in mind when he said, in one of
his addresses before the University of Copenhagen, in
1908: '* At its best, or even in its average state, ti:e
American nevyspaper is conducted with sobriety and
with a due sense of responsibility as an institution
powerful for good or evil in a democratic community."
Among the larger papers also, especially in the matter
of editorial discussion, this judgment is deserved, the
exceptions being more conspicuous than numerous or
influential. Undoubtedly the press in America, as
elsewhere, falls short of the best in this regard, but it
is advancing. Those of us who, ardently attached to
the cause of just peace, find the advance slow, may
comfort ourselves with the ancient saying: "Time
respects only that which Time has wrought."

EDWARD CARY

PUBLICATIOr4S OF THE
MERJCAN ASSOaATlON FOR INTERNATIONAL OONOLIATION

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International

SEP 2 2 *:^uy
ICIUATION^^

Of ^

INFLUENCE OF COMMERCE IN THE PROMOTION
OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE

•Y

JOHN BALL OSBORNE

Chief ol iIm Bwmu oI Trade Rdabow
DeptftmaU ol Stale. WMkii^^oa. D.C

SEPTEMBER. 1909. Na 22

for latcnMboftd CowiiMlioo
SubHtatioo 64 (501 Weal Il6ik SiMl)
NewYockQiy

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 15.

INFLUENCE OF COMMERCE IN THE
PROMOTION OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE

It requires no argument to demonstrate the potent
influence of satitfactory commercial relations in main-
taining a secure and enduring peace between nations,
for it is one of those self-evident truths which logic
teaches and history confirms. The ba^sic principle of
this great silent influence is mutuality of interest.
The same rei^training forces are at work to avert a
rupture of friendly relations between two countries
engaged in commerce with each other as operate to
prevent a quarrel between a business man and his
customers or a lawyer and his clients.

Commerce is vitally dependent upon peace. So
long as harmony prevails among the nations their
commerce flourishes and develops normally from year
to year; but upon the first rumors of war it begins to
dwindle and to seek new channels where it will be
least exposed to the many dangers of war. While it
cannot be denied that the enlightened diplomacy of
modern times has accomplished much good in behalf
of commerce by minimizing the perils of war to which
it is exposed, particularly by giving immunity to
neutral shipping, under the principle that **free ships
make free goods," the deplorable fact remains that
war cannot possibly be anything but highly injurious
and disastrous to commerce. Even if the intelligently
directed efiforts of our statesmen and international
lawyers to secure a larger measure of immunity for
commerce in time of war by the exemption of inno-
cent cargoes even wbfn thr ^roniTtv of an enemy's

citizens and under an enemy's flag should be com-
pletely successful, commerce is not a suflliciently hardy
plant to thrive in the atmosphere of war. It
demands the benignant sunshine of peace for its
normal development.

As respects the blessings of peace and the evils of
war the situation has not changed since these were
characterized by William Penn in 1695, who said:

*' Peace preserves our possessions; we are
in no danger of invasions; our trade is free
and safe, and we rise and lie down without
anxiety. The rich bring out their hoards,
and employ the poor manufacturers; build-
ings and divers projections for profit and
pleasure go on. Peace excites industry,
which brings wealth, as wealth again pro-
vides the means of charity and hospitality,
not the lowest ornaments of a kingdom or
commonwealth."

And of war, this wise old Quaker said:

"War, like the frost of 'S^, seizes all these
comforts at once, and stops the civil channel
of society. The rich draw in their stock, the
poor turn soldiers, or thieves, or starve: no
industry, no building, no manufactory, little
hospitality or charity: but what the peace
gave war devours."

History abounds in edifying and impressive illustra-
tions of the simple proposition that commerce is a
great factor in the maintenance of peace among the
nations engaged therein; but, paradoxical as it may
seem, history is also replete with instances where
commerce has been promoted by war under the
predatory system of conquest and colonization which

prevailed during to many centuriei, and where the
provocation! of wars have been furnished by com-
merce itself. But this system of commerce is happily
a thing of the past. So long as it prevailed mutual
antagonisms among nations were aroused and each
pursued a systematic policy of selfishness and eiclu-
sivcness. Spain and Portugal were notable eiamples
in early times, and, a little later, France and England
pursued a like policy. Colonics, acquired by discov-
ery or conquest, were ruthlessly exploited for the
selfish ends of the mother country, and the struggle
for commercial supremacy among the principal powers
was the cause of a series of bloody and exhausting
wars. All these evils, however, lie at the door of the
obsolete system of predatory commerce, to which, of
course, I do not refer when I speak of the pacific
influences of modern international commercial rela-
tions. At the present we think only of the voluntary
interchange of commodities in a commerce which is
mutually beneficial to the nations engaged.

Commerce has become the paramount power in the
civilized world. For some years past the world has
been undergoing visibly an economic transition of
far-reaching importance. Nations which were for-
merly dependent on agriculture have been concentrat-
ing their energies upon manufactures and commerce.
In consequence, the great producing nations are
devoting increasing attention to the export trade and
are seeking everywhere for wider and better markets
for their products. The result of this significant
movement is a marked increase of interdependence and
a closer relationship between different nations. Ties

arc constantly being formed, the breaking of which
would mean widespread disaster, and whenever such a
rupture is threatened a world-wide protest arises
from the conservative element in each country favor-
ing the preservation of law and order and the security
of life and property.

The United States is a noteworthy example of a
country which is drifting away from agriculture as the
predominant national industry and is steadily con-
centrating its energies in manufactures and foreign
commerce, and thus the nation is constantly binding
itself more intimately with other nations. In propor-
tion as these solidarities are multiplied it becomes
more difficult to break the ties existing among differ-
ent countries, and consequently the proposition of
war becomes more unpopular.

Commerce to-day rests on the broad and equitable
principles of reciprocity. In former times every
nation was arrayed against every other nation, pre-
pared to do it all the injury possible by prohibitions
and restrictions on trade, and, if necessary, to go to
war to accomplish its ruin. This policy has been
abandoned, although vestiges of the old idea that one
commercial nation may gain by ruining another still
prevail. It was Gladstone who said that the ships
that pass between one country and another are like
the shuttle of the loom, weaving a web of concord
among the nations. It is now widely recognized that
the interest of any one nation accords with the com-
mon interest of all. This indeed was the keynote of
the late President McKinley's farewell speech at
Buffalo, wherein he reminded the American people

that a system which provides a mutual exchange of
commodities is manifestly essential to the continued
and healthful growth of our export trade, and that we
mu6t not repose in fancied security that we can for-
ever sell everything, and buy little or nothing ; but that
if such a thing were possible, it would not be best for
us or for those with whom we deal. Hence he recom-
mended the policy of reciprocity as one which would
promote good will and friendly trade relations between
the United States and foreign countries.

Someone has said that dependence on commerce is
thr ;:rcatest security for national independence. The
> .;:.;ricance of this somewhat enigmatic statement
will appear when it is remembered that the economic
mission of commerce is to correct the inequalities and
deficiencies of soil, climate, natural products, and
industrial development in the different countries of
the world. A superabundant quantity of any product
when kept at home possesses little or no value, but
when distributed throughout the world wherever
needed through the medium of commerce, that
product acquires a value from its capability of pur-
chasing the dissimilar products of other countries. In
this way the happiness of the human race is manifestly
increased and the diversified products of various coun-
tries are economically and advantageously distrib-
uted, thus doing the greatest good to the greatest
number.

Commerce is one of the most important agencies of
civilization. Chiefly by its means the barbarous
peoples of the world have been brought under the
influence of the civilized peoples. It gives wide and

rapid circulation to the discoveries and inventions in
the arts and sciences, and disseminates useful knowl-
edge among all nations. In fact, modern commercial
development means the extension to the dark corners
of the earth of the mode of living and material con-
veniences employed in the countries of Europe and
America where civilization has reached its highest
development.

Commerce is not only a civilizer; it is a potent
moral force. The controlling force of the intricate
mechanism of the world's commerce is confidence in
human nature. In modern practice commercial trans-
actions representing a valuation of billions of dollars
per annum are made on the strength of documents
such as bills of lading, insurance policies, and bills of
exchange. These documents are exchanged for
money simply because of business confidence, or, in
other words, faith in the business integrity of the
firms involved in the transaction. By the extension
of commerce international confidence is created, and
thus the various nations of the world are bound
together by faith in each other and their common
interests.

Inasmuch as the character of a nation is but a com-
posite reflection of the character of the individuals
composing it, one might reasonably take it for granted
that the same virtues or shortcomings which individ-
uals of a particular nation habitually display in their
dealings with each other will be paralleled on a larger
scale when that nation has dealings with another
nation. Now, among individuals the rule is that evil
associations have a demoralizing influence, and so, in

analogy to this experience among individual!, it might
well be assumed that a nation whose business standards
are high would suffer in its commercial relations with
a nation whose standards are low, at least to the
extent of acquiescing in the usages of the latter
country. But here we find a curious psychological
trait of commerce as a moral force. Abundance of
experience proves that just as a nation's commerce
always rises to the highest level of public morality
prevailing among that nation, so does it, on its exten*
sion to foreign countries, rise to the highest level
existing in either country. For example, there are two
nations in the Far East, one of which has always
enjoyed a most enviable reputation for commercial
honor and integrity, while the reputation of the other
has been quite different. In recent years an extensive
commerce has grown up between these two countries,
and between each of them and the United States.
Instead of the splendid code of business honesty of
one of these Oriental nations being demoralized or
compromised in any degree by trade intercourse with
the people having the less punctilious ideas of business
honor, it has exerted a manifestly beneficial influence
on the standards of the latter nation. Thus it is that
modern commerce has an uplifting influence among
its votaries in all quarters of the world, which is
another strong reason why it is so effective in the
preservation of peace.

The closer and more numerous the ties between
nations which are created by commerce, the greater
will be the reluctance on the part of any nation to
begin a war; hence the greater the security against

war. I have seen it suggested that these very ties
created by commerce make war easier, for they afford
just so many provocations for war. This is easy
enough to allege and might seem plausible, especially
to those whose minds are steeped in the history of the
Mercantile system, colonial conquests, and the
struggle for commercial supremacy of long ago; but
the experience of modern times has been quite other-
wise. As a matter of fact, these commercial ties
make the damages created by war so much in excess
of any gains possible by war as to intensify the love
of peace and the horror of war.

There are countless instances in history to illustrate
the principle that commercial intimacy between two
countries promotes and preserves peaceful relations
between them. One of the most impressive is the
case of England and Portugal, united in bonds of
amity and mutuality of trade interests for a century
and a third by the famous Methuen Treaty of Reci-
procity. Although Portugal presented an inviting
market for English woollen manufactures, these
goods had been forbidden admission into that country
since about 1680, in the effort to protect and encour-
age the domestic industry. Similarly, England
excluded Portuguese wines by prohibitory duties.
The Methuen Treaty, which was signed at Lisbon on
December 27, 1703, by John Methuen, on the part of
Great Britain, and the Marquis de Alegrete, on the
part of Portugal, corrected this situation. Portugal
agreed to admit British woollens at the favorable
tariff rates which had prevailed prior to the
prohibition, while England agreed to admit Portu-

guese wines at a reduction of one*third of the
regular duties imposed on like wines imported from
France.

This masterpiece of diplomacy was wonderfully
enduring. It remained on the statute books of the
two countries unimpaired — excepting the brief period
17H6-1793, when it was virtually nullified by the pro-
visions of the Pitt Commercial Treaty of 1786 between
In;: land and France — for a period of no less than 1 j2
>cais, being terminated in 1836 by denunciation on
the part of Portugal. During most of this time the
treaty was highly beneficial to both contracting
parties. England's trade with Portugal became the
most flourishing that she possessed. Enormous
quantities of woollen goods and other manufactured
products were exported each year from England to
Portugal and her colonies, particularly Brazil, and
paid for partly in Portuguese wines and colonial prod-
ucts and the balance in bullion. The benefits that
Portugal derived from the treaty were of two-fold
character, political and commercial, of which the
former were decidedly the more important. The
treaty practically made the two countries firm allies.
On more than one occasion the little Power profited
by the spirit of helpfulness manifested by the govern-
ment and people of the great Power. When, for
instance, Spain attempted to subjugate Portugal,
British troops came to the rescue, and when Lisbon
was destroyed by earthquake it was the commercial
alliance as much as humanity that impelled English-
men to send generous contributions to the distant
sufferers of alien race. In fact, all through the

extraordinarily long life of the treaty the mutual
commerce was too valuable to be sacrificed by the
rupture of friendly refations, and so the great Methuen
Treaty, although consisting of but a few lines, and
those exclusively relating to mutual tariff treatment
of merchandise, was virtually a treaty of friendship
and alliance.

The best illustration in uur times of the principle
above enunciated that intimate commercial relations
are an efifective guaranty of peace is furnished by our
trade relations with Great Britaint Notwithstanding
the circumscribed area of the British Isles, no less
than 40 per cent, of the total trade (imports and
exports) between the United States and Europe is
with the United Kingdom. According to our own
statistics for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1908, the
value of the total imports of merchandise from and
exports to that country was $771,000,000, this repre-
senting 40 per cent, of our total trade with Europe
and 25 per cent, of that with the entire world. Of
this vast commercial movement our imports of mer-
chandise from the United Kingdom were valued at
$190,350,000, which was 31.3 per cent, of our total
imports from Europe, or 16 per cent, of those from
all countries, while our exports to the United King-
dom represented a valuation of $580,660,000, or 45
per cent, of our total exports to Europe, or 31 per
cent, of those to the world. So that statistics show
that the United Kingdom takes nearly one-half of all
that we sell to Europe and just about one-third of
all that we sell to the world, thus making that country
preeminently our best customer.

The Atlantic Ocean isk the ^ccnc of .in cn<llcftf pro-
cession of vessels carrying this vast commcice (or the
mutual benefit of the nations engaged in the inter-
•ulities, and hundreds of thousands of
I icr country are de|>cndent for their

livelihood and the support of their families upon the
iinintrrrtiptrMl continuance of this flourishing com-
n.cicc. Here, in our trade relations with Great
Britain, is strikingly exemplified the fact that the
numerous ships which ply unceasingly between the
two countries are engaged in the noble work of bind-
ing the nations together in international friendship
and concord, and each and every vessel that comes and
goes loaded to the full with the national products of
one country destined for the people of the other is an
effective agent in the cause of peace, tieing, at each
successive voyage, an additional knot in the bonds
of mutual interest which unite the two nations. So
close and friendly have these relations become that
the idea of possible war with England is now as
repugnant to the American people as is the idea of
another civil war. If it were possible for the circum-
stances of the Venezuelan Affair of 1895 to recur to
disturb the diplomatic relations between the two
countries, it is certain that the episode would be
settled dispassionately between the two governments,
without the use of any *' shirt-sleeve'* despatches or
bomb-shell messages to Congress, for the very sugges-
tion of war between these two branches of the Anglo-
Saxon race has come to be regarded among all
law-abiding and thoughtful citizens as insane or

almost criminal Cominrrrt* has coiitrlbutetl more

than any other agency of civilization to bring about
this national attitude toward war in the respective
countries.

This being the state of feeling in the two countries,
it is evident that that same Venezuelan Boundary Dis-
pute, which, fourteen years ago, strained almost to
the breaking point the peaceful relations between the
two nations, could not possibly have a like effect at
the present time. In 1895 our foreign trade, although
extensive, had not become so essential a constituent
of the national prosperity as it is to-day. Our
statesmen in control of the Government, as well as our
economists, now recognize the serious interdependence
of all civilized nations on each other, but most of all
of the principal commercial countries. Industrial de-
pression, financial disturbance, and popular distress in
England, or Germany, or France are sure to be reflected,
sooner or later, in the United States, and vice versa,
all these nations being like a row of bricks that lean one
against the other and stand or fall together. These
simple economic truths show how desirable and
necessary it is that the spirit of mutual conciliation
should prevail in international relations. Thus does
Commerce point the way, pave the way, and guard the
way that leads to a secure and lasting Peace among
the Nations.

JOHN BALL OSBORNE
Washington, D. C.

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*o. Opcniag AddrcM at the I jibe Mobook CoafcrciM* oa lanraatbinai Arbi-
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*t. JoaraaWw aad latcnwiiaMa Affain, by Edward Cary. AagoM, s^a*.

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EXRCtrriVI CoMMlTTBt

Nktmouu Mi^BSAV Birrvaa RiCMAao Watvow Gitsa

RKNAao HarrMOLOT Siantaji Mskav than

LVMAM AasoTT h«T« Low

Jamk» Sraraa Rowurr A. Fbajiks

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

I.VMAN A; ' \V VORK.

C'MAKUB .•\US, Bo*T«'S.

Edwin A . ( hariottmviu.«, Va.

Charles H. a .. Mass.

KiCHAKO Hari ( , St. Louis, Mo.

Ci-irroN R. lu i , Kokr Sm:th, Arkankas.

William J. Hk\an, I immi.n. Neb.

T. K. Burton, Clkvkland, Ohio.

Nicholas Mlrrav Hutlrr, New York.

Anorrw Camnegib, New York.

Howard Cary, New Vokk.

losEPH H. Choatb, New York.

Kichard H. Dana, Boston, Mass.

Arthur L. Dasher, Macos. (;a.

Horace K. Deming, Ntcw York.

Charles W. Kliot, Camrriock, Mass.

tOHN \V. Foster. Washinciok, D. C.
:oBKRT A. Franks, Orange, N. J.
RiCiiARO Watson Oilurk, New York.

ioHN Arthur (ihEBSE, New York.
AMES M. (iRRENWoon, Kansas City, Mo.
'ranklin H. Head, Chicago, III.
William J. Holland, Pht^burch, Pa.
Hamilton Holt, New York.

iAMES L. HOUOHTELING, CHICAGO, IlL.
►avid Starr Jordan. Stanford University, Cal.
Edm')nd Kelly, New York.
Adolph Lrwisoiin, New York.
Sbth Low, New York.
Clarence H. Mackay, New York.
W. A. Mahonv, Columbis, t)Hio.
Brandbr Matthews, Nfcw York.
W. W. Morrow. San Francisco, Cal.
George B, .McClella.v, Mayor ok New York.
Levi P. Morton, New York.
Silas McBee, New York.
Stephen H. Olin, New York.
A. V. V. Raymond, Buffalo. N. Y.
Ira Remsbn, Baltimore, Md.

4AM KS Ford Rhodes, Boston, Mass.
lowAR') J. Rogers, Albanx, N. Y.
Elihu Root, Washington. V. C.
I. G. Schurman. Ithaca, N. Y.
Isaac N. Seligman, New York.
F. J. V. Skiff, Chicago, III.
William M. Sloane, New Yoke,
Albert K. SmiliiY, Lake Mohonk, N. Y.

iAMES Spbybr, New York.
(SCAR S. Straus, Washington. D. C.
Mrs. Mary Wood Swifi. San Francisco, Cal.
George W. Taylor, .M. C, Demopolis, Ala.
O. H. Tittmas, Washington, D. C.
W. H. ToLMAN, New York.
Benjamin Tkueblood, Boston, Mass.
Edward Tuck, Paris, France.
William D. Wheelwright, Portland, Obb.

CONCILL\TION INTERNATIONALE

ziQ Rue db la Tour, Paris, France

Preudent Fondatcur. Baron D'F,stournblles de Constant

Member Hague Court, Senator

Honorary Prcsidenu : Berthelot and Leon Bourcbois, Senaton

Secretaries General : A. Metin and Jules Rais

Treasurer: Albert Kahn

International Conciliation

THE UNITED STATES AND SPAIN

»Y

MARTIN HUME

■ SpMMk HiMocy and Lueralurr.
CdebRcd

OCrORFR IQ09. No. 23

AMoa«Uu« ror i

64(501 W«iill6iii SiMi)
NewYoikQiT

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 13.

THE UNITEX) STATES AND SPAIN

It may appear paradoxical to »ay that it tt partly
owing to their extreme ditsimilarity of character that
no two civilised nations offer greater protMibilitiet of
unbroken harmony in their future relations than do
Spain and the United States. But it is nevertheless
true, because in this case where such dissimilarity
exists it hap|>ens that the qualities possessed by each
people are exactly complementary to those possessed
by the other, and a nation, like an individual, admires
and is attracted by qualities which if it were possible
to blend with its own would form a perfect character.
For the greater part of a century, notwithstanding
their instinctive mutual attraction, Spain and the
United States were artificially kept at issue by diver-
gent material and political interests, and by the
natural impatience of progressive youth at the sight
of outworn systems in too close proximity with its
own newer ideals. But in the bitterest hour of their
estrangement the two peoples never lost the almost
wistful regard for each other's qualities which forms
the most durable basis for national friendship. The
material clash was inevitable, and in the end salutary
to all parties, for Spain was bound by her great tradi-
tions not to abandon in the face of evident failure a
task which was draining her very life-blood, and to
which she knew herself to be unequal; whilst the
United States could not stand by unmoved and see an
American people struggling for freedom and national
independence against a power which was unable to
govern it for the public good. Strenuous as was the
struggle while it lasted none who witnessed it can
forget the underlying pity with which the people of the

United States in common with the rest of Christendom
foresaw the useless gallant sacrifice when Cervera and
his obsolete squadron, ill-armed, ill-formed and only
strong in generous hearts, sailed from Europe know-
ingly to meet disaster rather than acknowledge impo-
tence in the face of the world. It was impractical,
unwise perhaps, but it was chivalrous and fine, and if
Spain at this juncture had turned her back upon her
glorious traditions she would not only have been false
to herself in the supreme crisis of her fate, but she
would have forfeited the respect, nay the future admi-
ration and afifection, of those that were then her foes.

In the Philippines, even in the heat of the contest,
the same reasons for mutual respect were displayed.
Hopelessly outnumbered, lacking all the elements for
successful resistance and surrounded by hordes of
rebellious semi-savages, who thought that the presence
of the United States forces would enable them to sate
their thirst for blood and vengeance, the Spaniards
fought their hopeless fight so long as honour was at
stake, and then loyally accepted the American control,
full of admiration and gratitude for the practical and
enlightened firmness that held the swarms of yellow
men in check and saved the capital from catastrophe.

Spain knew then and acknowledges now, that she
could never again have made her possessions in the
Antilles and her friar-ridden islands in the far East
useful colonies or sources of strength to the mother
country, and that, apart from the passing national
humiliation, the loss of the islands which were a drag
upon her was an unmixed blessing to the nation at
large, since it allowed the concentration of forces and
energies sorely needed at home. The effect of this
concentration is seen clearly already in the greatly

increafted importance that Spain hat gained since the
war in the councils of Europe; and amongst Spaniards
no trace of bitterness remains; indeed there was little
if any even at the time, against the power which was
instrumental in breaking the vicious circle in which
Spain was confined. You may travel through Spain
now from I run to Tarifa and hear nothing but admira-
tion for the progressive energy, the alertness and the
ingenuity of the people of North America. Such
agricultural and other machinery as is imported from
abroad bears nearly always the name of an American
maker, whilst in the capital and some of the greater
cities handsome blocks of buildings raised by
American capital stand as permanent object lessons
in improved architectural methods. On the other
hand the traveller in Spain will meet everywhere, to
an extent undreamt of a few years ago, travellers and
tourists from the United States, enchanted for the
most part with the picturesque romance and old
world courtesy that appeal to them on every hand.
A strenuous people find in the repose of the Spaniards
an antidote for their own restlessness; a nation of
keen business men are brought into contact with a
people, the keynote of whose character is an almost
disdainful disregard for laborious and calculated gain;
on the one hand keen acquisitiveness, on the other a
languid altruistic magnanimity incite in their opposites
the wondering admiration that engenders a kind of
humorous and tolerant affection on both sides.

Nor is this mutual attraction confined to social
intercourse. In no other country has Spanish litera-
ture of late years been studied so fruitfully as in the
United States, and the North American universities
now stand absolutely pre-eminent in this branch of

learning. Much has been done to promote such
studies by the generous and enlightened efforts of
such men as Dr. Archer Huntington; but the names
of the late Dr. Knapp, of Dr. Chandler, Dr. Shepherd,
and Mr. Underbill of Columbia, of Dr. Rennert, of
Mr. Thatcher, Mr. MacNutt and many other Ameri-
can scholars also deserve to be held in enduring
memory for the zeal and learning with which they
have opened to the English-speaking world the
beauties of Spanish literature and history. To an
American author, Washington Irving, belongs the
glory of first having unveiled to the modern world the
subtle fragrant romance of Moorish Spain, and to two
other Americans of our own day, Dr. Lea and Mr.
Scott, are due the best modern histories of the
Hispano-Moorish people. Spaniards, proud of their
brilliant literature and of their eventful history, are
fully conscious of and grateful for this warm interest
in both on the part of American scholars, with the
consequence that in Spain itself these subjects are
attracting ever-increasing attention.

But nevertheless, the main intellectual reciprocity
of Spaniards for this active literary interest in their
tongue by Americans is shown in an eager study of
the sociology and institutions of the United States
and other progressive countries. The history of this
awakening people in the last fifty years, and especially
the result of their war with the United States, has
brought home to them incontestably that in order to
vie with the enlightened nations, whose qualities ti . *
admire and whose prosperity they envy, their own
domestic organization must be reformed. The mass
of the people have long been convinced that the
remedy they seek will not be found in mere political

changes or by varying the nomiiMl form of govern-
ment; and on all hands it is acknowledged that tb«
malady of the country, being to a great estent one of
character, must be diagnosed by a close study of their
social life and habits. This conviction has turned the
best intellects of Spain in the last ten years almost
exclusively to the analysis of social conditions at
home and abroad, and more especially of those of the
peoples of Anglo-Saxon origin whose institutions are
most advanced.

Thus far we have dwelt mainly upon the mutual
attraction of the two peoples by reason of their pos-
session of complementary qualities; but there is at
least one main racial tendency which both peoples pos-
sess in common to an extent unequalled by the like
affinity of any other European nation with the United
States. This tendency is the instinctive democratic
feeling which forms the basic sentiment of the individ-
ual in both countries. It may appear strange to those
who do not know Spain intimately that the most dem-
ocratic nation in Europe, in sentiment at least, is that
which is usually considered the most aristocratic. But
It is just because the typical Spaniard, proudly con-
scious of his individuality, refuses to accept the
adverse accidents of birth or fortune as a criterion of
personal worth, that he is almost invariably as inde-
pendent and self-respecting as the citizen of a Republic
whose social system is founded on equality of rank.
Let ixtrinns se totuheni^ and in Spain, where the
labourer, nay the very beggar, regards himself as
potentially as good a gentleman as a duke or a mil-
lionaire save for the providential caprice that has
made him lowly and poor, all are equal in their own
estimation; just as in a professedly democratic Sute

where the same result is reached by an opposite
process.

With these various social, intellectual and senti-
mental points of sympathy between the two nations
there should never again occur any question not sus-
ceptible of harmonious settlement by mutual discus-
sion. The war, unhappy as it was during its short
agony, cleared away the only serious impediment to
a perfect and enduring friendship. Bitterness and
unjust judgment there had been on both sides before,
the natural result of imperfect understanding of the
difficulties and respective points of view. Spaniards
or their government, running in traditional grooves and
bound to the only methods known to their polity,
could not be expected to see with the same eyes as a
people unblinded by ancient sentiment and irritated
at what they considered the tyranical oppression of a
kindred people at their very doors. Americans, on
the other hand, could with difficulty realize the des-
peration of a proud people exhausted by past misgov-
ernment and improvidence, yet doomed to struggle in
order to maintain their national honour in the face of
what they considered unjust interference and unmer-
ited misfortune, although the struggle might entail, as
indeed it did, the risk of their final downfall as a
nation. **The white man's burden " of colonial pos-
sessions was not understood in all its gravity and com-
plexity by the people of the United States, and Spain's
traditional methods of dealing with it were directly con-
trary to those employed by the Anglo-Saxon nations.
No wonder, then, that the two peoples for a time
drifted into enmity by the stress of material circum-
stances. But all these causes of dissension have now
disappeared. Spain has lived to rejoice at her

freedom from the reftpontibility that wm dragging her
down. America, with experience gained, see* better
now than before the difficultiei with which Spain had
to cope, and can make allowance! for her predeceaaor't
failure because she failed to a great extent in cooae-
quence of the possession of those very qualities of
proud immobility and exalted iropracticalness, which
are the complements to the American keen activity
and wordly realism.

Spain has gained immensely in concentration and
in national solidity as a consequence of the loss of her
colonies. Henceforward she is a European power
alone, with a geographical position which ensures for
her an important place amongst the nations, and at
no point do her interests come into antagonistic con-
tact with those of the United States. Almost for the
first time in her history the close friendship between
England and France enables Spain to be on cordial
terms with both: and whilst this condition of affairs
exists, a great naval war in Europe is practically
impossible. Spain therefore stands for the mainten-
ance of peace, and the continued peaceful development
of the world is one of the first interests of the United
States. Every condition, therefore, social, intellectual
and political, points to an enduring harmony of rela-
tions between the great Republic of the west and the
free constitutional monarchy which lies nearer to its
shores than any other country upon the European
continent

These considerations may be reinforced by the
rapidly growing commercial intercourse between the
two countries. The loss of the strictly protected
markets formerly provided by the colonies at first
seemed to threaten irreparable injury to Spanish

manufacturing industry, upon which the most prosper-
ous provinces of the country existed. But the intro-
duction of a high protective tariff for manufactured
goods, and the awakened enterprise of the Catalan
manufacturers have already more than compensated
for the partial loss of the colonial markets. The
extraordinary recovery of industrial prosperity has
naturally not been unaccompanied by some depression
in the export trade in natural products, which form
the staple of the larger part of the country, and by a
distressing rise in the price of the necessaries of life.
The ruinously high international exchange consequent
upon this state of affairs is however gradually bring-
ing about its own remedy. The high rate of exchange
with countries possessing a stable gold standard,
whilst it pressed hardly upon many, enabled the
Spanish manufacturers, especially of textiles, to export
their goods at a profit to North Africa and elsewhere;
and the resulting large increase of trade is gradually
producing an equilibrium in the exchange, and an
increased purchasing power on the part of Spain.
This may be seen in the considerable increase year
by year in the imports entering Spain from the United
States, the value of which is now only exceeded by
those received from France and England, whilst the
amount of produce exported from Spain to the United
States is almost stationary.

With the industrial and agricultural development of
the country the demand for machinery from America
cannot fail to increase enormously. Already Spaniards
are awakening to the need for the adoption of modern
methods of production; a vastly raised standard of
living is noticeable, especially in the capital and the
large towns: the return of rich colonists to reside per-

manently in Spain hat introduced a moneyed clasa with
wider views and more expensive wants than chose of
the old Peninsular gentry, and on every hand evidence
is seen that the people, so long lethargic, are becom-
ing more progressive, with new needs and aspirations.
These can only be met by the introduction of com-
modities from abroad, to be paid for in some form or
another by increased activity and productiveness at
home, and of this quickening of Spanish life the
United States will reap a full share of the benefit,
since the general tendency of the advance is Anglo-
Saxon in its character, and the financial support
required for the increased development is largely pro-
vided by English and American institutions. There
would, therefore, appear to be very numerous points
of identical sympathy and mutual interest between
Spain and the United States, whilst it is difficult to
see one point upon which serious discord can arise.

\fARTIV HUME

The Estcativ* CommittM of the AfockHoo for IsmtmcIomI
ConcilUuioo wish to arooae th« ioiermt of tb« A««fiaui poopit
in the progrcw of lb« movcmmt for promocia* lottnMlkMMl
and raUtlooi of comltjr and food ftUovtlup btti
To thift Mid tbey print aod drcoUte dooMMSts giviof iafonMfJnii
M to tbt progrMt of thtm novcmtats. in ordtr liMt ladMtfoal
dtiscas, tb« B«w«pftMr piwi. and ocfaoixacioos of varioM Uadt
■urr havt rsadiljr availabto mceunat iofomutioo oo tboM tablets.

For tb* ioforouuion of thoM who are doc familiar vitli tiM work
of tlic Aaaodatioo for lotomatiooal Coodllatioo. a Utc of its pob.
licatiotts is aobloiaod.

I. Fw^wi of Uw AMo d s ih> a,>y Imwi 4* i w w ni rft w<« r> >Mti Apvtl.

•. Ummk^ of iW NmIomI AiMtnoka oad Pom* Oh^iom, k]
MfM. April, i«oy.

I. A LMgMof Poaeo, bjr Aadrtv Cot s ogio. Novoabor, B9»y.
TIm iomiIw o( iIm Second Htgpm Cu a to i t o. bjr Ban

ud Hoik Dovld JoyM Hin. Jaaaanr, 1901.

S. Tibo Work ot Um Soeoad HogiM CoirfofMeo, by JoaMO BravB Seeit. jo*,
wry. i«oa.

«w PMrfb(UtksollaioUocttiolC»«pwadaaB«t«MaNonJiudSe««hAMfkm«
bjr I. S. Rswo. AprO, <9a8.

7. AaMtka aad Jopaa, by Gooti* Trwoiban Ladd. June, tgot.

a. THo SuedMi of UtonMiioMl Law, by EUko Rooc July. tvot.

«. Tbo Uallod SuiMaad Frsaet, by Barrttt WeadoU. Aufoac, sgat.

10. Tbo ApproKii ol lb* Two Aaorkaa, by )omqvim Nmboea. SopHaAor.
190!.

II. Tbo UaiMd Suam and CwMda, by J. S. WtUMa. Octobor. t^oL

11. Tbo PtoBcy of ibo Ualtmi StUM oad Jopui ia tbo Far Eom. Novosbor.

ty Earopoaa Sobiio t y la tbo Pi w oa a i of iIm Balkaa Criria, by Cbaitaa Awda
Mid. Do c oi bor, tgoS.

14. Tbo Lo^ of laioraadeaal Co-«p«adoa, by P. W. HifM. Jaaaaiy, 1909.

15. AaMricaa Igaeraaoo ol Oritatal Uacoagw. by J. H. DeForcal. Fob.
nutfy. 1909.

16. A awri ca aad tb« Now DiploauKy, by JaaMi Brown Sooct. Matcb, t«B9.

17. Tbo Dohirioa of MiUiariM, by Cbarko E. Jofcooa. April, ivoa.
It. TboCaaioBofWar,byEIUiaRoec ftlay. 1909.

19. TboUBllodSiaMaaadCblaa,byWoi<biagY<a. Jaao. 1909.

ao. Opoaiaff Addr«a at tbo Uko Mobonk Coafctoac* on laMtaadeaal AfM.
(tatloo, by NlSolaa Mamy Botlcr. July. 1909.

•I. JoMfBillai aad latoraattoaal Alalia, by Edward Cary. A■gB0^ •909.

M. laluM ica of Cowiwco la tbo Proawtka of laioraadoaal P^aca, by JoU
Ball Oaboffao. Soptoawor, t9B9>

03. TboUaliodScatoBaadSpalB,byMartlaHttaM. Odabor, 1909.

A small edition of a monthly bibliography of articles haviaff to
do with international matters is also poblisbed aad diitfibatad lo
libraries, magaiines and ncwMiapers.

Up to the limit of t printed, any oee of the above will

be sent poMpaiU upon t .4 request addriMud to the Sacreiary

of the American Associauoa for Intematiooal Coa ciH at i oo. P08I
Office Sub-Statioo 84, New York, N. Y.

EXKCtmVS COMMITTSI

NicMOua MtmsAY Bim.a8 Bimaap WAVaon Giu

RicNAKo BABTaotOT STa»«sa Naaar Ou»

LvMAM AaaoTT Sam Low

JAMsa Srarsa Roaaar A. Fsamis

COUNCIL OF DWECnON OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONOLIATION

LVMAN AMurr. Saw Yu*ic.
CHAatSk K«A*tu Adam«. K«i«f<nM.
Eewui A. Au)ft«MAH, t tUMtommnuM^ Va.
Cnam4B H. AmMi BoaniM. MAak.
BiCMAao BABT«ourr, M. C, St. Ix>vi«. Mo.

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WtLUAM D. WM> I'oalUAMO, Ou.

CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE
114 Rirs OB LA Tocm, Pabm, Fbakcs
PiMidcac Fooducttr. Bamw D'KvroowatXBi ocCoottaitt
M«Mb«r lUgM Co«r«, I
Hooocmry PriMiaM t BnrTMBior aad Lwm

SacMiariMGMffmlt A. Mbtw aad Jt
Ti

International c

ATION

tNIMiiiliMiil/lytW

AavtaM 4iii i^ttm tm jiiinwiii

THE AMERICAN PUBUC SCHOOL AS A FACTOR
IN INTERNATIONAL CONCIUATION

MYRA KELLY
NOVEMBER. 1909. No. 24

AwocMiioii fo> latenMbo— I

A4(501 Wciill6ili Sirafi)
NewYoikQiy

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 13.

THF AMERICAN PUBUC SCHOOL AS A

FACTOR IN INTERNATIONAL

CONQUATION

Among the influences which, in America, promote
harmony between alien races the Public School plays
a most important part. The children, the teachers,
the parents — whether of emigrant or native origin —
the relatives and friends in distant countries, are all
brought more or less under its amalgamating influ-
ences. In the schoolroom the child finds friends and
playmates belonging to races widely different from his
own; there Greek meets not only Greek, but Turk,
American, Irish, German, French, English, Italian
and Hungarian, and representatives of every other
nation under the sun. The lion lying down with the
lamb was nothing to it, because the lamb, though its
feelings are not enlarged upon, must have been dis-
tinctly uncomfortable. But in the schoolroom Jew
and Gentile work and play together; and black and
white learn love and knowledge side by side.

And long after more formal instruction has faded
with the passing of the years, a man of, perhaps,
German origin, will think kindly of the whole irre*
sponsible Irish race when he remembers little Bridget

O'Connor, who sat across trie aisle in the old Cherry
Street School, her quick temper and her swift remorse.

Of course, all these nationalities are rarely encoun-
tered in one district, but a teacher often finds herself
responsible for fifty children representing five or six
of them. In the lower grades eight or ten may be so
lately arrived as to speak no English. The teacher
presiding over this polyglot community is often her-
self of foreign birth, yet they get on very well
together, are very fond of one another, and very
happy. The little foreigners, assisted by their more
well-informed comrades, learn the language of the
land (I regret to say that it is often tinctured with
the language of the Bowery) in from six to twelve
weeks, six weeks for the Jews, and twelve for the
slower among the Germans. And again it will be dif-
ficult to stir Otto Schmidt, at any stage of his career,
into antagonism against the Jewish race when he re-
members the patience and loving kindness with which
Maxie Fishandler labored with him and guidedhis first
steps through the wilderness of the English tongue.

These indirect but constant influences are undeni-
ably the strongest, but at school the child is taught in
history of the heroism and the strength of men and
nations other than his own; he learns with some
degree of consternation that Christopher Columbus
was a '* Dago," George Washington an officer in the

EnglUh army, and Cbriit our Lord, a Jew. Geog-
raphy, ai it it now taught with copious illufltratioof
and descriptiont, shows undreamcd>of beauties io
countries hitherto despised. And gradually as the
pupils move on from class to class they learn true
democracy and man's brotherhood to man.

But the work of the American Public School does
not stop with the children who come directly under
its control. The Board of Education reaches, as no
other organization does, the great mass of the popu*
lation. All the other Boards and Departments estab-
lished for the help and guidance of these people only
succeed in badgering and frightening them. They
are met, even at Ellis Island, by the Board of Health,
and they are subjected to all kinds of disagreeable
and humiliating experiences, culminating sometimes in
quarantine and sometimes in deportation. Even after
they have passed the barrier of the Immigration Office
the monster still pursues them. It disinfects their
houses, it confiscates the rotten fish and vegeubles
which they hopefully display on their push-carts,
it objects to their wrenching off and selling the
plumbing appliances in their apartments, it interferes
with them in twenty ways a day, and hedges them
round about with a hundred laws which they can only
learn, as Parnell advised a follower to learn the rules
of the House of Commons, by breaking them.

Then comes the Department of Street Cleaning,
with its extraordinary ideas of the use of a thorough-
fare. The new comer is taught that the street is not
the place for dead cats and cabbage stalks, and other
trifles for which he has no further use. Neither may it
be used, except with restrictions, as a bedroom or a
nursery. The immigrant, puzzled but obliging, picks
his progeny out of the gutter and lays it on the fire
escape. He then makes acquaintance of the Fire
Department, and listens to its heated arguments. So
perhaps he, still willing to please, reclaims the dead
cat and the cabbage stalk, and proceeds to cremate
them in the privacy of the back yard. Again the Fire
Department — this time in snorting and horrible form
—descends upon him. And all these manifestations
of freedom are attended by the blue-coated Police,
who interdict the few relaxations unprovided for by
the other powers. These human monsters confiscate
stilettos and razors, discourage pocket picking, brick
throwing, the gathering of crowds and the general
enjoyment of life. Their name is legion : their appetite
for figs, dates, oranges and bananas and graft is
insatiable; they are omnipresent, they are argus-eyed :
and their speech is always *'Keep movin' there.
Keep movin'." And all these baneful influences may
be summoned and set in action by another — but worse
than all of them — known as the Gerry Society. This

tyrant denies the parent's right in his own child,
forbids him to allow a minor to work in a sweat*tbop,
store, or even on the stage, and enforces these com*
mands, even to the extreme of removing the child
altogether and putting it in an institution.

In sharp contrast to all these ogres, the Board of
Education shines benignant and bland. Here it
Power making itself manifest in the form of young
ladies, kindly of eye and speech, who take a sweet
and friendly interest in the children and all that con-
cerns them. Woman meets woman and no policeman
interferes. The little ones are cared for, instructed,
kept out of mischief for five hours a day ; taught the
language and customs of the country in which they
are to make their living or their fortunes; and gener-
ally, though the Board of Education does not insist
upon it, they are cherished and watched over. Doc-
tors attend them, nurses wait upon them, dentists
torture them, oculists test them.

Friendships frequently spring up between parent
and teacher, and it often lies in the power of the latter
to be of service by giving either advice or more sub-
stantial aid. At Mothers' Meetings the cultivation of
tolerance still goes on. There women of widely dif-
ferent class and nationality meet on the common
ground of their children's welfare. Then there are
roof gardens, recreation piers and park*, barges and

excursions, all designed to help the poorer part of the
city's population — without regard to creed or nation-
ality — to bear and to help their children to bear the
killing heat of summer. So Jew and Gentile, black
and white, commingle; and gradually old hostilities
are forgotten or corrected. The Board of Education
provides Night Schools for adults and free lectures
upon every conceivable interesting topic, including
the history and geography and natural history of
distant lands. Travelers always draw large audiences
to their lectures.

The children soon learn to read well enough to
translate the American papers, and there are always
newspapers in the different vernaculars, so that the
immigrant soon becomes interested not only in the news
of his own country, but in the multitudinous topics
which go to make up American life. He soon grasps
at least the outlines of politics, national and inter-
national, and before he can speak English he will
address an audience of his fellow-countrymen on
**Our Glorious American Institutions."

It is not only the immigrant parent who profits by
the work of the Public School. The American parent
also finds himself, or generally herself, brought into
friendly contact with the foreign teachers and the
foreign friends of her children. The New York Public
School system culminates in the Normal College, which

trains women ai teachert, and the College of the Citjr
of New York, which offert courses to yooog meo in
the profession of Law, Engineering, Teaching, and,
besides, a course in Business Training. The com-
mencement at these institutions brings strangely con-
trasted parents together in a common interest and a
common pride. The students seem much like one
another, but the parents are so widely dissimilar as to
make the similarity of their offspring an amazing fact
for contemplation. Mothers with shawls over their
heads and work-distorted hands sit beside mothers in
Parisian costumes, and the silk-clad woman is gener-
ally clever enough to appreciate and to admire the
spirit which strengthened her weary neighbor through
all the years of self-denial, labor, poverty and often
hunger which were necessary to pay for the leisure
and the education of son or daughter. The feeling
of inferiority, of uselessness, which this realization
entails may humiliate the idle woman but it is bound
to do her good. It will certainly deprive her conver-
sation of sweeping criticisms on lives and conditions
unknown to her. It will also utterly do away with
many of her prejudices against the foreigner and it will
make the *' Let them eat cake *' attitude impossible.

And so the child, the parent, the teacher and the
home-staying relative are brought to feel their kin-
ship with all the world through the agency of the

Public School, but the teacher learns the lesson most
fully, most consciously. The value to the cause of
peace and good-will in the community of an army of
thousands of educated men and women holding views
such as these cannot easily be over-estimated. The
teachers, too, are often aliens and nearly always of a
race different from their pupils, yet you will rarely
meet a teacher who is not delighted with her charges.
** Do come," they always say, *'and see my little
Italians, or Irish, or German, or picaninnies, they are *
the sweetest little things;" or, if they be teachers of a
higher grade, "They are the cleverest and the most
charming children." They are all clever in their
different ways, and they are all charming to those
who know them, and the work of the Public School
is to make this charm and cleverness appreciated, so
that race misunderstandings in the adult population
may grow fewer and fewer.

The only dissatisfied teacher I ever encountered
was a girl of old Knickerbocker blood, who was con-
sidered by her relatives to be too fragile and refined
to teach any children except the darlings of the upper
West Side, where some of the rich are democratic
enough to patronize the Public School. From what
we heard of her experiences, " patronize " is quite the
proper word to use in this connection. A group of
us, classmates, had been comparing notes and asked

her from what country her charges came. ** Oh, they
are just kids/' she answered dejectedly, "ordinary
every-day Icids, with Dutch cut hair, Russian blouses,
belts at the knee line, sandals, and nurses to convoy
them to and from school. You never saw anything so
tiresome.'*

It grew finally so tiresome that she applied for a
transfer, and took the Knickerbocker spirit down to
the Jewish quarter, where it gladdened the young
Jacobs, Rachels, Isadors and Rebeccas entrusted to
her care. Her place among the nursery pets was
taken by a dark-eyed Russian girl, who found the up-
town babies, the despised ** just kids,** as entertaining,
as lovable, and as instructive as the Knickerbocker
girl found the Jews. Well, and so they are all of them,
lovable, entertaining and instructive, and the man or
woman who goes among them with an open heart and
eye will find much material for thought and humility.
And one function of the Public School is to promote
this understanding and appreciation. It has done
wonders in the past and every year finds it better
equipped for its work of amalgamation. The making
of an American citizen is its stated function, but its
graduates will be citizens not only of America. In
sympathy, at least, they will be citizens of the world.

MYRA KELLY

1 1

PUBUCATIONS OF THE
AMERICAN A3SOaATION FOR INTTERNATIONAL OONOUATION

I. Pra«rMi tt tM A a w cUrt i w i, ^r Baroa 4*%momnMUm 4» diiiiii. Afttt.

•. Rmilu el tiN NadoMl AfMimiiMi aii^ Fmm Cfii. U A.a.*« Cm.

Wfic ApfU,i«0f.

). A l^«igiMaf P«M«,bf AadmvCaffMck. Nvvmikar, i^k^

4. TIm rrMiln of tlM SmomI Hafiw Coolwin. bjr Bwo« i'fMomn^im tf«

CoMttst MHi Hoib OavU JayM HUL JMNunr. i9o«-

5. Tb> WoA o# tlw gMoaJ Hag— Omimmm, W J—w Bto^ fait. JM-
■My. *gat.

«. PoMibnitiH of loicOactiuU Co-op«atio« Bkw—i N«rtli asd SoMh Aasia,
byL.S.Ra««. April, >9<>«>

r. A««riaiaad JapM, by Gmci* TraaibvU Udd. J«m(, tqot.

t. TIm SMwdM of loMraatiMMl Uw. by EUbo Rooc July. 99A

^ Tb« Uoltad Sttuos ud Fnum, by Barrvtt We^ldl. Aucwt, s«it.

Mw Tbo Approock of lb* Two AoMrica*, by Joaqvia Nabiioo.

ts. Tbo Uoliod Sttiaa aad Caaada, by j. S. WUOaott. Oecobv, ifot.

ff*. Tbo PoBcy of ibo UoiMd Scatoa omI Japaa la tbo Far Eaic Novoabor.
on

I). Bwopaaa Sobriety U tbo PiOMaoo of tbo Balkan Cfkia, by CbariaaAoMla

14. Tbo Logic of latomatioaal Co-opotatloa, by F. W. Hint. Jaaoary, t^^
iSi Aaorioaa Igaoraaco of Oriostal Laaguagca, by J. H. DoFomt. Fob-

t^ AsMrica aad tbo New Diplomacy, by JaMoa Brown Soon. Maicb, t«a».

17. Tbo Dolorion of Militarina, by Cbarl«« E. Jeionoa. April, tyo*.

tfl. TboCaoaesofWar.byRUbuRooc. May. 1909.

t«. Tbo Uallid StatoB aad Cbiaa, by Wei-cbiag Yea. Jaao.i«ao.

M. Opoafaf Addiw at tbo Uke Mohonk Coafoioaoe oa laMraadoaal AfU-
ttaiiaa, by Wkboha Mutray Boticr. July. i^^o^.

at. JooraaBaM aad lacoraatioaal ABaIn, by Edvaid Gary. Aagaat, tgoo.

n. lafaoaoo of Cowaieice la tbo Proaiotica of laioraatioaal Faaoo, by Joba
Ball OabonM. Sopiaaiber, 1909.

•^ Tbo Uaitad Sutoa aad Spain, by Mania Huao, Ociobor, t^o^.

84. Tbo Aierican Public Scbool as a Factor ta lantaatloaal Coadladoa, by
Myra KoUy. Novoaibcr, 1909.

A amall edition of a monthly bibliography of artidct bsTtef to
do with international matters U aifto published and distribotaa to
libraries, magaxincs and newspapers.

Up to the limit of the editions }>(inted. anr Of»e of the above will
be sent postpaid upon receipt of a rc«{uest addressed to the Secretary
of the American Association for Intematioiial Coodtiatioo, Pwt
Office Sub-Sutioo 84. New York. N. Y.

ExBctrrivi Cukmittss
NiCMOUU MtmaAV BtrrLsa Rkmasd WAtao* G«aM

RiCMABO BA»T«oLor StarHSM Nsan

LvMAM Asaorr >rn» Lorn

Jambs SraYBS KoossT A. Fbakks

COUNCIL OF DIRECTION OF THE
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL OONOUATION

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G>o«o« B. M Ixk in or Nbw Vo«k.

L«tri P. MoK . UK.
Silas McBsr.

St'^x-v H (•.......„ VOBIC.

A ' MoMO. burrALo. N. Y.

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CONCILIATION INTERNATIONALE
ti9 Ri-s DB LA Toca, pABt», FaAitoi
PimUwi Fwdmiir. Babom D'RarovnnujBi Dw C ow w Agt
MMiONrlUiMCiNf^:

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TtwMmrmt ALMtrr Kamx

International Conciliation

S%css,lr^:irJlr2@SSl

CECIL RHODES AND Hi; ,

IN INTERNATIOTiAir'CONCIUATldl

F. J. WYUE

Oifnd Secretary to the Rhode* Ti

DECEMBER. 1909. Na 25

a4(50l Weal Il6ifa Scrm)
NewYoikQiy

The Executive Committee of the Association
for International Conciliation wish to arouse the
interest of the American people in the progress of
the movement for promoting international peace
and relations of comity and good fellowship
between nations. To this end they print and
circulate documents giving information as to the
progress of these movements, in order that
individual citizens, the newspaper press, and
organizations of various kinds may have readily
available accurate information on these subjects.

For the information of those who are not familiar
with the work of the Association for International
Conciliation, a list of its publications will be
found on page 15.

CECIL RHODES AND HIS SCHOLARS AS
FACTORS IN INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION

Cecil Rhodes was still a young man — not more than
94 — when, in a paper of which Mr. Stead has given us
the substance in his little book '*The Last Will and
Testament of Cecil J. Rhodes/* he attempted to
formulate the ideas which should govern his life.

** Service of my country/* ** betterment of the
human race/' ** furtherance of the British Empire/*
** the end of all wars " — these are some of the phrases
that catch the eye in this early document.

And in a Will which he drafted about the same
time, and of which also Mr. Stead has given us some
account, we find the same note — ** extension of
British rule/* *• restoration of Anglo-Saxon unity/*
" the foundation of so great a Power as to hereafter
render wars impossible and promote the best interests
of humanity.**

These are the ideas for which, while little more
than an undergraduate, Cecil Rhodes had determined
that he would live and work : and they do not differ
in essentials from the ideas which speak to as from
the document in which, much later in life, his maturer
soul found expression, the Will which established the
Scholarships. A difference there is; but not one that
touches the fundamental spirit of the thing. Some-
thing of the local character has disappeared: a larger
experience has modified the predominantly Bntish
tone of the first expression : but in essence the ideal

remains the same — the good of his country and the
good of humanity.

It was characteristic of his genius, and is some ex-
planation of his career, that the two should present
themselves to him as no more than different aspects
of the same ideal. For his was essentially a concrete
mind. Dreamer in a sense he was: for he possessed
in rare abundance the imaginative stuff of which poets,
discoverers, philosophers are made. But behind his
dreaming, or within it, moved the force which turns
men's dreaming into action. We may call that, if we
will, a quality of character rather than of mind. But we
know in the end that these distinctions are provisional
only, and academic, and that, in the chemistry of the
living soul, mind and character somehow fuse, and
make an individual. And of Cecil Rhodes' personality
it is no contradiction, but the barest truth, to say that
it was at once imaginative and practical : and that in
consequence his thinking, however wide in reach,
remained to the last concrete. There have been philos-
ophies which have taught, in one form or another, that
the more immediate good bars the way to the more
ultimate — that the part is the worst enemy of the
whole. But so abstract and timid a philosophy was
little congenial to the mind of Cecil Rhodes. For him
there was no whole except in the parts, and no ideal
which did not realize itself in something near and
personal.

If we apply this to our present interest, we may cer-
tainly say that for him Internationalism was not an
ideal to be reached through the denial of Nationalism.
"Pro patria per orbis concordiam." It is a notable
and a pregnant motto that the Association for pro-

moting InternatiooAl Conciliation hat choteo : it It one,
moreover, within which the thought of Cecil Rhodei
would hive moved freely. Only, he would, I think,
have insisted that we mutt be clear at to itt empbatit
and significance; that we mutt not interpret it at tog-
getting that the true nationalism it internationalism;
he would have insisted that the approach must be the
other way, through the nation to the brotherhood of
man; ita pro patria ul pro orbis (oncordia. In his mind
the service of humanity and the service of country
ran together at a common fount of inspiration, and we
should be untrue to his thought if we attempted to
divide them. They are the two forms under which at
different moments, or rather from different angles, he
envisaged, with quite remarkable consistency, the
thing most worth living for, the end of his own per-
tonal endeavor.

And he had a very definite and characteristic con-
ception of the means through which he could best
further this end. He would do what lay in hit power
to extend the area within which a tpecial type of
character prevailed. Character wat to be the instru-
ment: for character determines the way in which men
approach the problems of society and government, and
in the end dictates the solution at which they arrive.

And, inevitably, the type of character which he
wished to perpetuate was the type he knew at Britith
—or rather, as he later came to think of it, at Anglo-
Saxon. For that type stood, in his belief, for the
principles upon which the well-being of nations
depends, the principles of justice, liberty, and peace.

Yes, Peace. Not only doet the document in which,
at early at 1877, he outlined hit ideal, connect the

extension of British rule with **the end of all wars,"
but the Will of the same year, to which I have already
alluded, gives the supreme object to which he would
desire his wealth to be devoted as "the foundation of
so great a Power as to hereafter render wars impossi-
ble." And to this end he suggests the formation of a
secret society after the Jesuit model, co-extensive with
the British Empire, preaching imperial ideas, and
effecting its objects through the control of education.

Fourteen years later, in 1891, he sent to Mr. Stead
a letter in which he formulates, roughly but unmis-
takably, what we may well call his creed. The centre
of that creed is once more a secret society, and the
sum and end of it all is the peace of the world, with a
single language universal and triumphant.

Eight years later he drew up his last Will, the Will
which founds the Scholarships.

The main provisions of that Will are so well known
that I need not here do more than briefly recapitulate
them. The bulk of his wealth Mr. Rhodes left to
seven trustees, directing them to establish scholar-
ships, tenable for three years, at the University of
Oxford, for which should be eligible:

(1) Colonists from different portions of

the British Empire.

(2) Students from the United States of

America.

(3) Germans.

Colonists are to be brought to Oxford "for instilling
into their minds the advantage to the Colonies as well
as to the United Kingdom of the retention of the
unity of the Empire." Americans are to be included

in the tcheme io order **to encourage and foater an
appreciation of the advantage* which I implicitly
believe will result from the union of the Engtith-
speaking peoples throughout the world, and to encour-
age in the students of the United States of North

America who will benefit from the scholarships

an attachment to the country from which they ha^e
sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them or their
sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.**
And, finally, fifteen scholarships are assigned, by cod-
icil, to Germany, because **an understanding between
the three great powers will render war impossible, and
educational relations make the strongest ties.**

If we compare this Will with the documents in which
Mr. Rhodes gave earlier expression to his beliefs and
aspirations, we can only feel that his thought has
grown and expanded, even while remaining in one
sense the same. It has not altered in fundamentals,
for the same ideas are there, dominating the whole:
peace triumphant over war; education making for the
union of peoples; international sympathy developing,
not in spite of, but through^ national loyalty. But the
form which the ideal takes has undergone some change.
In the first place, it is now less a question of '* British
rule" than of "Anglo-Saxon union." The ideal now
is one of confederation, not of ** absorption within the
British Empire." In the second place, Germany for
the first time comes within the scheme. The occasion
for this addition may have been accidental, the recog-
nition, so he tells us in the codicil, of English as a
compulsory subject in German schools: but the real
cause must be looked for in something deeper, in
some underlying sense of the ultimate affinities of the

German-speaking and the English-speaking peopl(
of a common, or at least of a similar, ideal working
itself out in the character and history of the three
great branches of the Teutonic family.

It may be that Germany never entered so com-
pletely into the heart of Mr. Rhodes' dream as did
the United States of America: that his dream
remained, as a dream, essentially Anglo-Saxon in
character. But dreams have in the end to compromise
with facts; and Mr. Rhodes at grip with the facts
came, apparently, to feel that the destiny of the Ger-
man race was sufficiently allied to that of the English-
speaking peoples to make cooperation between the
two for a common end a genuine possibility. Perhaps
also he may have come to regard his original vision of
the world dominated by one people, and attaining to
peace in that way, as, if not fanciful, at least remote;
to remind himself that it might be worth while to do
something in the meantime to forward the great ideal
of justice, liberty and peace, by promoting the
cooperation of peoples the similarity of whose history,
traditions and ideals might justify the experiment.

And if the extension of the scholarships to Germany
sacrificed something of his original dream, the sacrifice
brings its own compensation. For it plants the
scheme more broadly on the roots of things: it brings
us one stage nearer recognition of the fact that the
peace of the world is destined to come, not sooner
merely, but more wholesomely even, and more irre-
vocably, through the concerted action of different
peoples, whose differences have been merged in a com-
mon hunger for justice and peace, than through the
predominance in the world of any one Power. It may

be thMt the fifteen Germaa schoUrthipi make no great
thow betide the ninety-tix American and tiity (or, as
they now are, tcventy-eight) Colonial. But they have,
I think, a significance of their own. of which number
it no roeaturc.

So much for the tdcaU and a^pirAiiunft of Cecil
Rhodet, at they thaped themtelvet in hit brain, and
developed, and came in the end to eiprett themtelvet
in the ettablithment of the tcholarthipt. He mutt be
cold whose blood moves no fa&ter for the splendour of
this idea

I turn to Cecil Rhodet' tchoUrt, to that body of
men through whom hit idealt are trying to tecure to
themselves a place and an influence in the world. Who
so obvious as they to preach the gotpel of interna-
tional conciliation? It might almott be taid that a
scholar whote tpirit doet not antwer to the call of
the motto ** Pro patria per orbit concordiam '* it a
failure for Cecil Rhodes; a failure for hit idealitm,
and for the efforts which he hat very vitibly made to
translate that idealism into the language of practical
life. This does not mean, of course, that a Rhodes
Scholar commits himself to any particular belief or
doctrine. Election to a scholarship is not initiation
into a society admission to which it conditional on
the profession of a certain creed. All that Mr.
Rhodes demands it that in the telection of hit
scholars weight be attached to tuch qualitiet of
mind and character at are likely, in hit view, when
brought under appropriate influencet, to develop a
special attitude towards life, in particular a special
attitude with regard to social tervice and the mutual
relationt of peoplet.

But the influence of circumstance on disposition,
however ultimately inevitable, is yet not for us cal-
culable beyond the chance of disappointment: and it
may be that, in one case or another, the direct con-
tact with the life and thought of other peoples, of
which these scholarships are the opportunity, will not
issue in widened sympathies, will not generate a zeal
for the service of man, will not bring any nearer to
us the peace of nations. Well, we can do no more in
that case than record a failure — a failure, that is, of
Mr. Rhodes' idea, and of the influences upon which
he relied. For a Rhodes Scholar who is not willing,
on his way through the world, to do his share in the
work of reconciling devotion to country with loyalty
to the cause of peace is in one sense untrue to the
Rhodes ideal: untrue, that is, not in the sense that he
is false to any professions of his own — for he has made
none — but in the sense, simply, that he was meant
(may we not say?), in the great hope of Mr. Rhodes,
to grow to a certain attitude or outlook on things, and
has not done so.

We have seen that it was an idea constantly present
to Mr. Rhodes that he might found a society copied
from the Society of Jesus — "a secret society," he
writes in 1891, ** gradually absorbing the wealth of
the world, to be devoted to this object," viz.: "to
securing the peace of the world for all eternity." His
idea may not have been destined to realize itself in
just the form of which he dreamed. That after all is
a small matter. The bigger a man's idea, the less can
he tell what time may make of it. That is the penalty
he must pay for the privilege of giving birth to some-
thing which has life in it.

But it may well be that in the process of the years
the Rhodes society shall yet appear: not, in the event,
as a secret society, nor composed of millionaires, nor
expressing itself necessarily in any definite organisa-
tion, but for all that a very real and living '* society,"
a fellowship of men who have a common experience
and are inspired by a common hope, of men who in
partaking of the Rhodes benefaction have entered
also into the inheriunce of the Rhodes ideals; a
fellowship, in one word, of his Scholars.

It is pertinent to ask how Mr. Rhodes hoped to pro-
duce through the scholarships the results at which he
aimed. Well: that is all part of the idealism of the
man, part of his gorgeous optimism. In the hasty
judgment of the world, ignorant of much which could
only become matter of public knowledge after his
death, Mr. Rhodes' name stood for cynicism, perhaps
for materialism. Those who knew the real man
protested, for the most part in vain, that no judg-
ment could more cruelly misjudge: and history is
already writing its endorsement of the judgment of
his friends.

Assuredly, no cynic ever took his dreams as seriously
as Cecil Rhodes took his. Nor would cynicism ever
have suggested to him that in bringing together in
Oxford year after year some aoo young men, that
they might associate with each other and with others
of their kind, and be brought within the reach of
certain influences and traditions, he was putting his
hand to a work which should contribute to the peace
and happiness of the world. Yet that is, in all literal-
ness, what Cecil Rhodes believed, with a simplicity of
conviction which might have been comic if it had not

succeeded in being magnificent. He believed that it
is in the long run ignorance alone that divides: that
knowledge undermines race prejudice, and weakens,
if it cannot wholly dissipate, the hatred of nations.
And it is just of mutual knowledge that a Rhodes
scholarship is the almost unique opportunity. It gives
a man, at an important moment of his life, three years
of contact with new institutions, new types of
character, new ways of looking at things. It gives
him, quite apart from the time he spends at Oxford,
opportunities of learning something of the literature
and the life of European peoples; or perhaps, not to
be immodest in our pretensions, we had better say, of
some one European people. It gives him, indeed,
more than that. For it is the opportunity at once of
travel and of something more. Travel is much in
education, but not the whole. And certainly from the
point of view of the sympathetic understanding of our
neighbors, the knowledge which travel gives is at the
best incomplete. Illuminating it may be, but its light
is still upon the surface. We need to supplement it
with something more intimate and penetrating; some-
thing which only friendship can give. Travel widens
the outlook, and brushes away the insularity that
blurs the vision of so many, even of those whose
homes are not in islands; but its work is preparatory
and cathartic; and when prejudices are cleared away,
it still remains for insight and understanding to come
in and occupy their place. But the surest way to
insight, perhaps even the only sure way, is through
friendships. And a Rhodes Scholar who spends three
years in the rare intimacy which Oxford College life
encourages can hardly fail to form just such friend-

thipi — friendships •»••*• '-^uni because ihey open the
way to understaiu.

It will indeed be strangely disappointing if a
Rhodes scholarship does not make at least for sanltjr
of judgment and breadth of sympathy.

We have heard sometimes of the risk of **deoa*
tionalizing** a college boy by sending him for three
years to Europe. Now a Rhodes scholarship, like
other good things, admits of abuse; carries, in that
sense, its own risks. But the particular risk suggested,
viz. : that a man may find himself on his return unfitted
for taking his place promptly and effectively in the life
for which he has nominally been preparing, is, surely,
so small that we can afford to disregard it. It may be
an argument against sending to Oxford a man who
has had no experience of college life at home. But if
men arc selected for the scholarshi(>s who have already
found their manhood, and realized their citizenship,
in their own country, the experience they gain else-
where should fall into place, and, so far from disturb-
ing them, should only fit them the better for efficient
membership of the society within which their life's
work lies.

It has seemed natural here to speak mainly of what
the Rhodes Scholar may get from his scholarship.
But that is far from being the only side to iL He
gives as well as gets. The influence, however, of
individuals upon the tone of a society is as subtle as
It is leisurely; and there is so much of hazard in any
premature attempt to connect results with conditions
that one shrinks from dogmatism. I will therefore
content myself with saying that I believe the great
majority of those who know the younger Oxford of

«3

lo-day would agree, both that it has become in these
recent years more catholic in its sympathies and
broader in its outlook, and that the contribution of the
Rhodes Scholars to that result has been material if
unobtrusive. This aspect of the question, however, is
away from my present purpose, which has been partly
to ascertain whether the principles of international
conciliation are at one with the ideas which inspired
Mr. Rhodes, and partly to consider how far the actual
conditions under which the Rhodes scholarships are
held justify us in hoping that those who may have
enjoyed them will be among the men whose lives are
found, in the issue, to have done something, however
modest, for the advancement of the cause of Justice
and Peace in the world.

For my own part — if I may be allowed to close with
a personal expression of belief — the consideration of
these questions leaves me with the conviction that
always among the forces making for the harmony of
peoples ought to be found, and will be found, the
Cecil Rhodes Foundation.

F. J. WYT,TE

JX
1906

no. 1-25
cop. 2

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